Democracy in Cambodia

A Survey of the Cambodian Electorate

Project Director and Editor: Tim Meisburger

Questionnaire Design, Analysis, and Report Text: Charney Research

Technical Training Assistance: ACNielsen

Research and Fieldwork: The Center for

Advanced Study

Copyright 2001, The Asia Foundation

Printed in the Kingdom of Cambodia

This publication was made possible through support provided by the U. S. Agency for International Development. The opinions expressed herein are those of the authors and do not reflect the views of the U.S. Agency for International Development or the Asia Foundation.

Table of Contents

SUMMARY .................................................................................................................. 1

Key findings ........................................................................................ 1

The National Mood: Positive Amid Poverty ....................................... 3

Commune Government: Important but Little Understood .................. 3

Commune Elections: Desire to Choose, Doubts About Fairness .......... 4

Voter Registration: A Big Issue ............................................................ 5

Voter Education Needs: Election Workings, Confidence Building........ 6

Civic Education Needs: Democracy, Tolerance, and Gender ................ 8

Voter Education Sources And Media: TV, Radio, and In‑Person .......... 10

Conclusion: The Campaign Plan .......................................................... 11

INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................. 13

Methodology ....................................................................................... 13

The National Sample ........................................................................... 14

Regions Surveyed ................................................................................ 15

Representativeness of the Sample ......................................................... 16

CHAPTER 1: THE NATIONAL MOOD .............................................. 17

Direction of the Country .................................................................... 17

Right Direction Reasons ...................................................................... 18

Wrong Direction Reasons .................................................................... 19

Cambodia’s Biggest Problems .............................................................. 20

Freedom Of Political Expression ......................................................... 21

Economic Well-Being ........................................................................... 22

Confidence in the Future ..................................................................... 23

Summary: The National Mood ............................................................ 24

CHAPTER 2: LOCAL ISSUES AND GOVERNANCE ............... 25

Most Important Level of Government ................................................. 25

Political Culture of Local Government ................................................ 26

Role of Commune Government .......................................................... 27

Direction of the Communes ................................................................ 29

Commune Right Direction Reasons ..................................................... 29

Commune Wrong Direction Reasons .................................................. 30

Biggest Local Problems ........................................................................ 31

Rating of Commune Government ....................................................... 32

Summary: Local Issues and Governance ............................................... 33

CHAPTER 3: ATTITUDES TOWARDS THE COMMUNE ELECTIONS .............................. 35

Awareness of Commune Elections ....................................................... 35

Turnout: 2002 and 1998 ....................................................................... 36

Reasons for Voting .............................................................................. 37

Reasons for Not Voting ...................................................................... 38

Free and Fair Elections? 2002 vs. 1998 .................................................. 39

Cheating in Elections? 2002 vs. 1998 .................................................... 40

Expectations for the 2002 Elections ...................................................... 41

Changes Expected ................................................................................ 42

Summary: Attitudes Towards the Commune

Elections .............................................................................................. 43

Chapter 4: Registration Needs ........................................ 45

Awareness of Registration .................................................................... 45

Awareness of Who Needs to Register .................................................. 46

Voters Who Have Moved ................................................................... 47

Summary: Registration Needs .............................................................. 48

Chapter 5: Voter Education Needs ................................ 49

Information ......................................................................................... 49

Council Voting: Parties or Individuals? ............................................... 50

Selection of Commune Chief ............................................................... 51

Election Concerns ................................................................................ 52

Number of Election Concerns ............................................................. 53

1998: Was Ballot Secrecy Violated? ...................................................... 54

Know Where to Complain .................................................................. 55

Who Will Run the Commune Elections? ............................................. 56

Coercion and Corruption of Voters .................................................... 57

Who Should Appoint Election Officials? ............................................. 58

Presence of Observers .......................................................................... 59

Measures to Improve Voter Confidence ............................................... 60

Impact of Confidence-Building Measures: Perceptions of Election Fairness . 61

Impact of Confidence-Building Measures: Change in Results on Cheating ... 62

Voter Education Recommendations for Specific Target Groups: .......... 63

Voter Education Recommendations for All Voters: ............................. 64

Summary: Voter Education Needs ....................................................... 65

CHAPTER 6: CIVIC EDUCATION NEEDS AND ISSUES ........ 67

Characteristics of a Democratic Country ............................................. 67

Personal Consequences of Democracy .................................................. 69

Political Participation .......................................................................... 70

Political Interest and Discussion ........................................................... 71

Local Political Efficacy ......................................................................... 72

Political Tolerance: Party Meetings ...................................................... 74

Political Tolerance: Personal ................................................................ 75

Immigrant Rights ................................................................................ 76

Gender and Political Leadership ........................................................... 77

Leadership Mostly for Men: Why? ...................................................... 78

Women as Commune Leaders .............................................................. 79

Women Making Their Own Choice .................................................... 80

Civic Education Recommendations for Specific Target Groups ............ 81

Civic Education Recommendations for All Voters ............................... 82

Summary: Civic Education Needs......................................................... 83

Chapter 7: Voter Education Sources/Media ........... 85

Introduction--Voter Education Sources/Media ..................................... 85

Principal News Sources-Country ......................................................... 86

Principal News Sources-Elections ......................................................... 87

Regular Media Exposure ...................................................................... 88

Priority Groups: In-Person Voter Education ....................................... 89

Organizational Involvement ................................................................ 90

Frequency of Religious Services ........................................................... 91

Voter Education Sources-I ................................................................... 92

Voter Education Sources-II................................................................... 93

Summary: Voter Education Sources/Media .......................................... 94

CHAPTER 8: CAMPAIGN RECOMMENDATIONS .................... 95

Stage 1: Prior to Electoral Legislation ................................................... 95

Stage 2: From Electoral Legislation to the Vote .................................... 96

Stage 3: After The Commune Elections ................................................ 97

Summary ............................................................................................. 98

APPENDIX I: MEDIA PLANNING TABLES ..................................... 99

Frequency of Watching TV ................................................................. 99

TV Station Most Often Watched ......................................................... 99

Favorite Type Of TV Program ............................................................ 100

TV Dayparts ........................................................................................ 100

Frequency of Radio Listening .............................................................. 100

Radio Station Most often Heard .......................................................... 101

Favorite Type of Radio Program ......................................................... 101

Radio Dayparts .................................................................................... 101

Literacy ............................................................................................... 102

Frequency of Reading Newspapers ...................................................... 102

Newspapers Read ................................................................................. 102

APPENDIX II: TARGET GROUP DEMOGRAPHICS ............... 103

Target Group Demographics I ............................................................. 104

Target Group Demographics Ii ............................................................ 105

Target Group Demographics Iii ........................................................... 106

APPENDIX III: FREQUENCY QUESTIONNAIRE ...................... 107

Summary

The aim of this baseline survey is to provide detailed information on the knowledge and attitudes of Cambodian voters, so that NGOs and other providers of voter education can more accurately target their efforts. The survey also aims to provide a scientifically sound baseline from which the impact of specific projects can be measured, and the progress of democratization in Cambodia assessed over time. Based on the findings of the survey, the project team has included in the report specific recommendations on priority voter education needs, and outlined a draft national voter education campaign for the planned Cambodian commune elections.

The survey was conducted between July 6 and August 10, 2000, and consisted of a random, representative sample of 1,006 in-person interviews with Cambodian citizens over 18 conducted in 24 of the country’s 25 provinces. The survey was commissioned by The Asia Foundation, and conducted by Charney Research, New York and the Center for Advanced Studies, Phnom Penh, with technical assistance from AC Nielsen Indonesia, Jakarta. This study builds on the findings of an earlier phase of the research, involving in-depth interviews with voters in Phnom Penh and seven rural villages, conducted in May, as well as extensive pre-testing of the questionnaire. Below are the key findings of the study, followed by a more in-depth explanation of the findings and their implications for voter education programs for the commune vote.

KEY FINDINGS

§ Many Cambodians know very little about how the commune government will function or how the local elections will be run and some are not even aware that commune voting is planned.

§ Most Cambodians are hopeful for their country and strongly want to choose their own local leaders, but at the same time they doubt that elections are fair and want measures to make sure that the outcome reflects the popular will.

§ Cambodians are positive about the country’s direction and future, thanks to the start of economic and social recovery, although they say poverty is still overwhelming the country’s greatest problem, followed by the economy and crime.

§ The majority of Cambodians say that people in their areas can speak freely about politics.

§ Cambodians see local government as more important in their lives than national government. Although they have only a limited idea of the functions of their commune government, the majority of them are satisfied with the job it is doing.

§ As at the national level, Cambodians see poverty as the biggest problem they face at the local level, although their second greatest concern is neither the economy or crime, but water supply.

§ Although a substantial minority of Cambodians have not heard that commune elections are coming, once informed of the impending elections, almost all say they will vote.

§ Many Cambodians are not confident that the commune elections will be free and fair or conducted without cheating.

§ Awareness of the need to register to vote in the commune elections is low and confusion prevails about registration requirements.

§ Voters do not know how the commune government will be elected, but when presented with a choice they clearly prefer voting for individuals (instead of lists) and direct election of the commune chief (rather than selection by the council).

§ Although concern about possible electoral abuses is widespread, confidence-building measures such as non-partisan monitoring and multi-party election administration would do much to assuage them.

§ While many Cambodians associate democracy with freedom, most do not have a clear understanding of the concepts of democracy. Few have participated in the political process beyond voting, and while political tolerance is the norm in the community, political intolerance is still a problem at the personal level.

§ The majority does not accept an equal role for women in political leadership, and many still think that men should advise women on their voting choices.

§ TV, radio, and in-person contact through house visits and public meetings are the most useful media for voter education.

§ A first stage of voter education should inform Cambodians of the commune elections, the role of commune government, and ballot secrecy, followed by a second stage on voter registration requirements, the workings of the elections, the meaning of democracy, free choice by women, and political tolerance. A final post-election phase should promote popular participation in local government.

THE NATIONAL MOOD: Positive Amid Poverty

Cambodians are hopeful about their country, despite the severe problems it faces. Most Cambodians (72%) say their country is headed in the right direction, while only 11% think it is headed in the wrong direction. An even larger proportion (78%) is confident of a happy future for the country (and 42% are “very confident”), while just 10% are not confident. The main reasons for the optimism are the start of economic recovery and reconstruction (restoration of government services, physical rebuilding), along with continued peace.

Some 44% say they have become better off in the last two years, while 36% say their economic situation is worse. The rural majority report more gainers than losers in general, though the old, uneducated, and small landholders (defined as under 100 m²) have lost ground, as has the Southwestern region. Despite the overall gains, poverty remains overwhelmingly Cambodia’s greatest concern, cited by 58% as one of its two top problems. Next comes the economy in general, mentioned by 15% more, followed by crime, at 13%. Then come health, water, infrastructure, and political disputes, each mentioned by 9%.

Although political conflict has continued in Cambodia, the political atmosphere at the grassroots is relatively open. Some two-thirds of Cambodians (66%) say people living in their areas feel free to express their political opinions, although 20% say they are not free and 15% are not sure. The latter groups tend be older, uneducated, and female.

COMMUNE GOVERNMENT: Important But Little Understood

Cambodians’ thinking about politics is very locally focused. Those who think their commune governments influence their lives more than the national government outnumber those with the opposite view by a margin of 50% to 16%. This local focus is, in part, a reflection of Cambodia’s traditional political culture.

The traditional nature of Cambodian political culture is further highlighted by the fact that 56% of Cambodians hold a paternalistic view of government, saying that government is like a father, and the people are like children. The democracy-oriented view that government and people are equals was held by only 27% of the population, while 11% had a subject orientation, viewing government as the boss, and the people as workers, perhaps an echo of the harsh Pol Pot years.

Most Cambodians know little about the functions and responsibilities of commune government. Even the most frequently-mentioned roles were mentioned by a quarter or less of the population. Road construction and maintenance was cited by 26%, dispute resolution by 24%, and the maintenance of law and order 18%.

In general, Cambodians think their communes are headed in the right direction (67%), with only 17% saying they are headed in the wrong direction. The reasons for optimism at the local level are much the same as those at the national level: increasing economic development, improved government services, reconstruction, and peace. A majority (58%) also say they are satisfied with the job performance of their commune governments, although 37% are not satisfied. Phnom Penh is the one region where the discontented predominate, 53% to 44%.

In all regions the principal local problem is the same as that cited at the national level, poverty, which is mentioned by 66% as one of the two most important local problems. However, the second most mentioned local priority differs from the national number two. It is a concern with water supply (either quantity or purity) and was mentioned by 19%, particularly by rural dwellers and by people in the Southeast and Southwest regions. It is followed by concern for lack of infrastructure (15%), crime (13%), health care (8%), and corruption (7%).

COMMUNE ELECTIONS: Desire to Choose, Doubts About Fairness

Cambodians will vote in the elections – if they find out about them. A majority of Cambodians (57%) know that commune elections are coming, but fully 40% have not and 3% are not sure. Those who have not heard tend to be women, particularly those with little schooling, as well as voters under 25 or without TV access. But once informed that there would be elections, the desire to participate was almost universal, with 97% saying they would vote. The principal reasons were the opportunity to choose one’s own leaders (cited by 39%) and to fight corruption (20%). So the task for voter education in this area is simply to tell people that there will be elections for commune governments and explain what commune governments do. Stimulating participation need not be a priority.

Although they are willing to vote, Cambodians have a lot of doubts about how fair the elections will be. More than half (51%) don’t know if the elections will be free and fair. While only 4% say the elections will not be free and fair, just 25% are confident that they will be. An even larger proportion harbors doubts about cheating; some 51% are not sure if there will be cheating and 12% think there will be cheating, while only 37% say there will be no cheating. The proportion expecting free and fair elections may be higher than the proportion expecting no cheating because some voters might consider multi-party competition to be free and fair elections, even if there is some cheating.

Expectations that commune elections will change things for the better are rather low. A plurality of 42% say they don’t know if commune elections will make any difference in their lives, and 26% are sure they won’t make a difference, while just 30% say that they will. In general, those who do not expect the election to change things were also those who doubted the election would be free and fair or expected cheating. Among the more optimistic, the principal changes from the elections are new local leadership (28%) and fairer conflict resolution (15%).

VOTER REGISTRATION: A Big Issue

While Cambodians want to vote, registration requirements could trip them up if the rules are not properly explained. Most Cambodians (70%) are not aware that anyone may need to register to vote in the commune elections; they seem to assume that registration for the national elections would suffice. Moreover, there is great uncertainty about who would have to register. The minority who think some voters will have to register is split equally, with half believing that all voters must re-register (as current plans suggest), and the other half believing that only those who have moved or turned 18 since the last election will have to register. Only 12% of the electorate says that they have heard about registration and that everyone must register, so voter education efforts on the registration issue will have to be directed to the entire public once the registration law has been finalized.

VOTER EDUCATION NEEDS: Election Workings, Confidence Building

There is very little clarity among Cambodian voters about how the commune elections will be run and virtually all (92%) want more information on how they will work. They do not know whether they will vote for parties for individuals. They do not know how their commune chiefs will be selected, whether by direct election, the commune council, or the largest party on the council. They do not know who will run the elections. And they do not know how to complain about election irregularities, if these occur. All these topics will need to be subjects for voter education.

However, Cambodian voters do have some clear opinions on how the elections should be run. They prefer voting for individuals to voting for party lists by a two-to-one margin, 56% to 28%. There is an even more massive majority in favor of direct election of commune chiefs (78%); only 8% prefer selection by the council and 7% by the largest party. These preferences are consistent with the strong desire to choose their own leaders expressed by the voters elsewhere in the poll, and suggest that commune leaders elected in the manner that the voters trust are more likely to be legitimate and to enjoy the confidence of the public.

There are also widespread concerns about possible election irregularities. Almost half of Cambodians (48%) say that one or more of a set of nine specific abuses could take place in their areas, while only 42% think there will be no problems (10% are not sure). The most frequently mentioned concern is media bias (30%). Other concerns included vote buying (23%), violence (14%), cheating in the vote count (13%), forced pledges to vote for a party (11%), official pressure to vote for a party (10%), forced pledges to join one (9%), violations of ballot secrecy (9%), and interference with voter registration (4%). These concerns were most common among those who thought there had been cheating in the 1998 election and may reflect voters’ experience at that time.

Cambodians strongly support measures to combat election irregularities. A very large majority (72%) say that all political parties should have a hand in the appointment of the officials running the commune elections, while just 18% think it appropriate for one party to appoint most election officials. Most voters were unaware that non-partisan observers would be monitoring the voting, but they were strongly in favor of such monitoring. If all parties appoint officials and non-partisan observers monitor the elections, the increase in voter confidence in the elections would be dramatic, as 75% would have more confidence with multi-party election administration, and 71% would gain confidence from seeing non-partisan monitors at the polls. In fact, if both these confidence-building measures were adopted, the proportion of voters expecting the election to be free and fair would jump from 45% to 62%, and those expecting no cheating would rise from 37% to 49%.

The voter education program suggested by the survey findings would begin with an initial phase to raise the awareness of the elections, the role of commune government, and the secrecy of the ballot (a key safeguard against intimidation) among those specific groups of voters who need this information to participate meaningfully. These voters tend to be female, especially the poorly educated, housewives, and older urban women, as well as all voters under 25. Since education on these issues does not require the completion of election laws or planning, it can begin immediately.

The second phase of voter education, after the passing of the election law and the setting of the election date, should be targeted to all voters. It would involve an explanation of the workings of the commune election process, including the voting system, the selection of the commune chief, election administration, and how to complain. It would also include efforts to explain that forced pledges or bribes to vote for or join a party are not legal or binding. But voter education, while useful to promote the proper working of the voting, will not be enough by itself to convince voters the elections will be free and fair: this will require real and effective confidence-building measures and would be aided by electoral laws in conformity with the popular will.

CIVIC EDUCATION NEEDS: Democracy, Tolerance, and Gender

While Cambodians have a fairly specific set of expectations on what constitutes a free and fair election (perhaps because of earlier voter education) most of them (67%) cannot describe any of the characteristics of a democratic country. Those who have some understanding of the idea tend to associate it with freedom (11%), freedom of speech (11%), and equal rights (9%). Just 3% of Cambodians associate “democracy” with “elections.” Democracy seems simply to be seen as the opposite of the oppression experienced in the past. Democracy has more meaning at a personal level. When asked what democracy would bring to them, a majority of voters (54%) could give some sort of answer. Their replies included the political rights cited above and economic gains (progress, 14%, infrastructure, 5%, choosing jobs, 4%).

Thus, there clearly is need for civic education efforts, primarily on the meaning of democracy as a system, and particularly on the role of elections as a means of voicing demands and holding leaders accountable. There is also a need to provide information for a substantial minority of the population on the personal implications of democracy. The poll showed that those exposed to the media or who participate in organizations are much likelier to have an understanding of democracy, so promoting political discussion in the media and participation in civil society groups would also be a key part of a comprehensive civic education campaign.

Some important aspects of a democratic or participatory political culture are weak in Cambodia. Interest in politics is fairly low at 50% (and only 23% are very interested), while only 14% of voters discuss politics all the time or often. Fear may be a factor in this low number, as those who do not discuss politics are much more likely to also say they cannot speak their minds freely in their area. Except for voting, political participation is low. Very few Cambodians have contacted the government on a specific issue or participated in a political campaign. Over three-fifths of Cambodians (61%) also say they do not think they can have much influence over local government decisions. Given the lack of a sense of democracy as accountability, the low degree of participation voting, and the limited political discussion and interest, this weak sense of political efficacy and clear alienation from local government is not surprising.

Political tolerance in Cambodia presents two strikingly different faces: fairly strong in public, but weak in private. A sizable majority of the public (64%) says that all political parties, even unpopular ones, should be allowed to hold meetings in their area, although over one-third do not feel that way or are not sure. But things are different at the interpersonal level: some 58% of Cambodians would end a friendship with someone who supported an unpopular party. This suggests that rather than allowing free association, Cambodian society can be seen as a federation of political cliques, each internally intolerant of dissent, which is understandable in terms of the country’s history of violent conflict. It also suggests that civic education efforts need to focus on the acceptance of opposing parties both in public – meetings, etc. – and at the private, friends-and-family level.

Cambodians do not yet accept that immigrants should have political rights. Over two-thirds (68%) would deny the vote in commune elections to Vietnamese or other immigrants. This, too, is an area where civic education is needed.

Finally, gender emerged as an area of major concern in the poll. Although 86% of Cambodians recognize that a woman can be a good commune leader, 59% think men are better suited for commune council membership than women, and only 36% think women should be as active as men. Men are said to be more knowledgeable about politics, better educated, and more intelligent. It is noteworthy, if surprising, that there is no gender gap on this point. And although most people (69%) accept that women should make their own choices in voting, some 29% think men should advise them. These issues are the most urgent for gender-oriented civic education messages.

Civic education in Cambodia might begin with a targeted phase on the basics of democracy, addressed to those groups who need it most, since this information would be necessary for them to participate meaningfully in the elections. The priority groups for this phase would be women with less than primary education, older rural women, and voters under 25 (many of whom may be voting for the first time). Issues to cover in this phase would be the meaning of democracy (both as a system and at a personal level), encouraging tolerance for all political parties, and highlighting that women have the right to make their own choice when voting. During this phase there will need to be a particular stress on in-person efforts in this area, as many in the priority groups lack access to television or radio.

A second phase of civic education can be launched after the elections, after the urgent need to explain the mechanics of the vote has passed. This phase, targeted to all voters, would focus on participation in commune government beyond voting (contacting government, running for office, joining civil society groups), as well as promoting personal political discussion, tolerance, immigrants’ rights, and the acceptance of women’s equality in political leadership.

VOTER EDUCATION SOURCES AND MEDIA: TV, Radio, and In-person

Television is watched regularly by 54% of the public, making it the most powerful medium in Cambodia, while only 44% are regular radio listeners. Very few Cambodians read newspapers, but many rely on word of mouth from friends and family for news. Regarding voting and elections, the principal news source in the past has been the village chief (cited by 48%), followed well behind by radio (mentioned by 13%) and TV (cited by 12%, mostly urbanites).

The priority groups for in-person voter education, defined as those not reached by TV or radio, were residents of the Northeast and Northwest regions, those with no schooling, and rural women over 35. They cannot be reached simply by going through organizations or associations, as 74% of Cambodians do not belong to any, and the mass membership groups that do exist are weak, with no category claiming more than 7% of the population as members. Nevertheless, organizations may be able to play an important outreach role to non-members if they are involved in a coordinated campaign. Religious services are also of limited use as a general means of disseminating voter education, as only 16% of Cambodians attend services once a week or more, but may be of more use in targeting older rural people, 34% of whom attend services at least once a week. Overall, the weakness of civil society associations in Cambodia means that NGOs will need to develop targeted outreach programs to ensure that voters outside the reach of the broadcast media have the information they need to participate effectively in the democratic process.

There is broad scope for a voter education campaign in terms of the information sources Cambodians will accept. Aside from the village and commune chiefs, TV is the most widely accepted source for information about elections (72% would accept it), but house visits are also welcomed (71%), as is radio (68%) and a public meeting (65%). The word can be spread by friends and family neighbors (58%), or a woman-to-woman program (50% of women). A majority of Cambodians is open to various sorts of voter education material, including plays, songs, and TV dramas as well as straight informative material; however, there is less interest in written matter such as comics and newspapers.

CONCLUSION: The Campaign Plan

Pulling together the various findings of the survey suggests a three-phase campaign plan for voter education in the Cambodian commune elections, with specific messages and targets for each phase.

Stage 1: Prior to the Electoral Legislation

The primary focus would be voter education for awareness of the commune elections, the role of commune government, and the secrecy of the ballot (to “inoculate” against intimidation). There would be specific target groups, namely women with less than primary education, urban women over 35, housewives, and voters under 25. The result would be both broader awareness of the elections and commune institutions among the general public and the establishment of the capacity to conduct voter education campaigns bringing together media and NGOs.

Stage 2: From the Electoral Legislation to the Election

There would be two aspects to the campaign here, whose aim is to promote the smooth working of the elections. There would be a voter education campaign targeted to all voters, to explain registration requirements (the initial priority) and how the elections will work. There will also be a civic education component, on the meaning of democracy, independent participation by women, and tolerance of all parties. Here the targets, as noted above, would be women with less then primary school or those over 35 in rural areas, voters under 25, and non-TV viewers. This phase will create an enabling environment for the elections and the capacity to conduct universal voter education programs.

Stage 3: After the Commune Elections

After the vote, the final phase of the program should emphasize civic education oriented to all voters on democratic participation in commune government institutions. This would include involvement with government, election campaigns, and civil society bodies, political discussion, interpersonal tolerance, and women and political leadership.

Introduction

This report presents the findings of opinion research conducted to assist in planning voter and civic education campaigns for Cambodia’s forthcoming commune elections. The national findings section of the report, with national data, has seven parts:

–The National Mood

–Local Issues and Governance

–Attitudes towards the Commune Elections

–Voter Registration

–Voter Education Needs

–Civic Education Needs

–Voter Education Sources and Media

It concludes with a summary of the proposed campaign plan, and has appendices with media and demographic data, and a frequency questionnaire.

Methodology

The research was conducted in two phases:

Phase 1: Qualitative --16 in-depth interviews conducted May 24-25, 2000 among the general public in urban and peri-urban Phnom Penh and seven villages in the provinces of Kandal, Kompong Speu, and Takeo.

Phase 2: Quantitative --A national survey, involving 1,006 in-person interviews of a representative random sample of Cambodians around the country, July 6 - August 10, 2000

The fieldwork was conducted by the Center for Advanced Studies in Phnom Penh, with technical assistance from Safril Faried, Dindin Kusumar, and Achala Srivasta of AC Nielsen Indonesia, Jakarta. The sample design, questionnaires, and analysis were done by Craig Charney and Nicole Yakatan of Charney Research, New York, with the assistance of Joan Zacharias, Henry Crawford, and Ellen Flax.

The National Sample

This baseline survey is one of the most representative and comprehensive polls ever conducted in Cambodia. The survey is based on a representative national sample of 1,006 in-person interviews, randomly drawn in proportion to the eligible voter population of each region and province, and has an error margin of +/- 3%.

The sample was drawn by a two-stage process in proportion to the eligible voter population of each region. In the first stage interviewing points were distributed randomly among the provinces in proportion to their population, and in the second households and individuals were randomly selected for interview. In this way, every voter in the country had an equal chance of being interviewed.

Interviews were conducted in 24 of Cambodia’s 25 provinces, the only exception being Mondul Kiri, which has less than 1% of the country’s population, and did not receive any interview points when these were randomly distributed. Elsewhere, every voter in the country had an equal chance of being interviewed. Thus, the survey represents the views of almost all potential Cambodian electors.

The largest share of interviews were conducted in the central region where just over one-third (34%) of the voters live. The southeast provided 26% of the sample, the Northwest 18%, and the Southwest 16%. The smallest proportion (6%) came from the least populous region of the country, the Northeast.

1006 Interviews By Region

Central 34%		Southeast 26%
Southwest 16%	Northwest 18%	Northeast 6%

Regions Surveyed

NORTH EAST	SOUTH EAST	NORTH WEST	SOUTH WEST	CENTER
Kratie	Kampong Cham	Banteay Mean Chey	Kampot	Kampong Chhnang
Mondul Kiri	Prey Veaeng	Battambang	Koh Kong	Kampong Speu
Preah Vihear	Svay Rieng	Oddar Mean Chey	Pursat	KampongThom
Ratanak Kiri		Siem Reap	Takeo	Kandal
Stung Treng		Krong Pailin	Krong Kaeb	Phnom Penh
			Krong Preah Sihanouk

Representative ness of the Sample

The sample drawn for the survey exactly mirrored the adult population of Cambodia as a whole, as would be expected, when compared to the results of the 1998 National Census. In gender terms the breakdown of the sample is 45% male, and 55% female, which matches the census result. Some 18% of the respondents live in urban areas, 81% in rural areas, also identical to the national figures. In terms of age, some 50% of the sample is between 18 and 35, while the other half is over 35, just as in the entire adult population. Thus the survey sample provides an accurate reflection of Cambodia’s electorate.

Since the sample is truly national and random, the survey results represent all parts of the population in their correct proportions. Demographically, the poll results are either identical to the real population, as indicated by the 1998 Census, or very close. As a result, the survey findings correctly reflect the public in terms of gender, urban-rural balance, and age. Therefore the findings regarding public opinion are thus likely to be representative as well, within the survey’s margin of error.

	SAMPLE	CENSUS
Gender: Male/Female	45% / 55%	45% / 55%
Area: Urban/Rural	18% / 81%	18% / 81%
Age: 18-35 / 35+	50% / 50%	50% / 50%

Chapter 1

The National Mood

Direction of the Country

Generally speaking, do you think things in Cambodia today are going in the right direction or do you think they are going in the wrong direction? (Q.79)

Most people are optimistic about the future of Cambodia. A large majority -- 72% -- say that things in general in the country are going in the right direction, while just 11% say it is headed in the wrong direction, and 17% said they did not know if the country was headed in the right or wrong direction.

The optimism was general, with large majorities of both sexes and all age, education, and income groups saying the country was headed in the right direction. Rural residents were the most positive: 75% of them said the country was moving in the right direction. The optimism was more tempered among residents of the Phnom Penh region, although even there 53% said the country was going in the right direction.

Right Direction Reasons

Why do you say that? (Q.80) (Two responses allowed, reasons given by 5% or more shown)

Base: 727

The beginnings of economic recovery and social normalization, along with the maintenance of peace, are the main reasons cited for optimism about the future. The principal reason, by a large margin, is economic: 49% of the respondents who said the country is headed in the right direction cite reasons such as economic recovery, growth, and development.

Following economic recovery comes the restoration of government services: improved schools, health care, and social services, mentioned by 26%, and the construction and reconstruction of homes, buildings, and pagodas, also mentioned by 26%. Peace and the consequences of peace -- particularly the freedom to travel around the country safely -- is cited by 25%.

Democracy and its components, including political liberalization, the multi-party system, and freedom, were mentioned by 12%. Just 6% of respondents referred to the government (including the leadership and the ruling party) as a reason why the country was headed in the right direction.

Wrong Direction Reasons

Why do you say that? (Q.80) (Two responses allowed, reasons given by 10% or more shown)

Base: 107

Concerns about corruption, poverty, the economy, and crime were the principal reasons cited by the minority who felt that Cambodia was headed in the wrong direction. Corruption was cited most often, by 36% of the pessimists. Poverty and its associated problems, including unemployment, the lack of food and clothing, homelessness, begging, and child labor, were mentioned by one-third (33%). Next came fear that the economy was getting worse, cited by 23%. After this came concern about crime, cited by 21%. Political concerns -- repression, fear, or the lack of freedom -- were mentioned by 19% of those who thought the country was headed in the wrong direction, which works out to just two percent of the total population. Deforestation was cited by 13% of those who said the country was headed in the wrong direction.

Cambodia’s Biggest Problems

In your view, what is the biggest problem facing Cambodia? And after that, what is the second biggest problem? (Q81/82) (Responses combined, all those cited by 5% or more.)

While corruption is the biggest concern of those who feel the country is headed in the wrong direction, the entire population overwhelmingly feels that the biggest problem facing their country is poverty. In total, 58% cite poverty or poverty-related issues like unemployment, lack of food and clothing, homelessness, beggars, and child labor as one of the two top problems, while another 15% expressed more general concern about the economy.

After the economy, the top concern is crime, mentioned by 13%. Concern about access to health care and to water ranks equally, with both at 9%. Underdevelopment and poor infrastructure rank among the biggest problems for 9% as well. Political disputes and violence are cited by 9% as one of the two top problems, while 8% say this of corruption. No other issue was mentioned by more than 5% of the public.

Freedom of Political Expression

Do people feel free to express their political opinions in the area where you live? (Q.73)

Most Cambodians feel free to speak their minds about politics, although a significant minority says they still fear expressing their opinions. Some 66% say people feel free to express their political opinions in the area where they live, while only 20% say they feel unable to express their opinions, and 15% are not sure whether local people feel free to speak out. A majority of every demographic group felt they could speak out, but there were some variations worth noting:

•Older people (over 50), who were adults during the years of the Pol Pot regime, are significantly less likely to feel free to speak out than younger people, with 57% of older people feeling free compared to almost 70% of the younger people.

•There is a direct correlation between level of education and feeling free to express opinions. Of those with no education, only 51% felt free. With some primary education the figure jumps to 67%. Of those who completed primary 70% felt free, while 83% of those with high school and above felt free.

•Within the group of those with less than primary education there is also a noticeable gender gap: with 56% of women feeling free to express political opinions, compared to 67% of men. This gender gap does not appear among women who have completed primary school.

•Those who do not feel free to speak their minds are also less likely to trust other people, however the difference is fairly small, since the majority of both groups feel distrustful of people in general. Only 15% of the group who do not feel free to express their opinions trusts other people, compared to 37% of those who do feel free to speak their minds.

Economic Well-Being

Thinking about your own personal economic situation now compared to two years ago, would you say you are much better off, better off, worse off, much worse off or about the same? (Q.90)

Although the majority of Cambodians feel their personal economic situation has improved (44%), or stayed about the same (21%), since the 1998 elections, a significant minority (36%) say it has gotten worse. Rural dwellers, who make up the vast majority of the population, reflect the general trend -- reporting that the better-off outnumber the worse-off by 45% to 36%.

And while the increases in prosperity have been moderate (just 2% say they are much better off), 72% of those who are worse off (26% of the total population) say they are much worse off. The social groups where losers outnumbered winners included those with no education (39% vs. 38%), urban residents over 35 (41% vs. 35%), and small farmers (farming less than 100 m²) (45% vs. 42%). Geographically, the Southwest was the only region where more said they had become worse off than better off. Thus, while there have been broad gains in economic prosperity, the groups falling behind include some of the least powerful, most disenfranchised portions of society.

Confidence in the Future

How confident are you of a happy future for Cambodia as a whole? (Q.83)

The optimistic mood of the country is also reflected by the very large majority of Cambodians who express confidence in their country’s future: some 78% say they are confident of a happy future for Cambodia as a whole, while only 10% are not confident and 12% are not sure. Of the confident, 42% are very confident, and 36% fairly confident. Only 6% of the population are not at all confident, while 4% are not very confident. Views on this question are pretty uniform across all social and demographic groups. Thus, Cambodians are hopeful about the future, although they are aware of the enormity of the country’s problems and deep scars left by poverty and war.

Summary: The National Mood

•Most Cambodians say the country is headed in the right direction.

•The principal reasons are economic recovery and social normalization, including improved government services, physical reconstruction, and peace.

•Corruption, poverty, economic difficulties, and crime are the main reasons why a minority is critical of the country’s direction.

•Poverty is overwhelmingly seen as the main problem facing the country, followed well behind by the state of the economy and crime.

•A substantial majority of Cambodians say people feel free to express their political opinions, but older people and the poorly educated (especially women) are less likely to feel this way.

•Prosperity has grown over the past two years, as more Cambodians say they have become better-off than worse off. But the uneducated, older urban people, very small farmers, and South westerners say they have been left behind.

Chapter 2

Local Issues and Governance

Most Important Level of Government

Now I'm going to ask you a few questions about the local commune government. Tell me, whose decisions affect your life more: the national government in Phnom Penh, or the commune government in this town or village? (Q.23)

Half of all Cambodians feel the decisions of their commune government affect their lives more than do those of the national government in Phnom Penh, while only 16% say the national government affects them more. Another 11% say both levels are equally important, while 23% say they don’t know which affects them more.

These views run fairly uniformly through the populace: every social and demographic group had a large majority or plurality that considered local government more important. Even among the most sophisticated voters, those with high school education, and residents of the capital, the view that local government affected their lives more than the national government prevailed by a roughly two-to-one margin.

Political Culture of Local Government

Here are some different ways people think about the commune government. Which of these is closest to your view of what the government should be? (Q.25)

The survey data indicate that most Cambodians still favor feudal or paternalistic local government, over either democratic of authoritarian forms. When given a choice of three types of government:

· Government is like a father and the people like a child (feudal/paternalistic)

· Government and people are equals (democracy),

· Government is like a boss and the people like workers (authoritarian/fascist).

The dominant view across the board was the paternalistic view of government as father, held by the majority (56%) of the respondents. This suggests that the traditional Buddhist/monarchist cultural patterns still strongly influence Cambodian society. Just over one-quarter (27%) had the orientation characteristic of the civic culture of a democracy. This position was stronger among men (32%) and weaker among women (23%) -- particularly among women with less than primary school education (18%). The least popular orientation was the view that government was boss, held only by 11% in the wake of the harsh and dictatorial regimes of the past.

Role of Commune Government

Different people have different ideas about what commune governments actually do. How about you? What do you think commune governments do or control? (Q.24) (Responses cited by 5% or more, multiple responses allowed)

Roads	26%
conflicts	24%
Security	18%
Solve problems	12%
Schools	9%
Agricultural activity	9%
Improve our lives	8%
Corrupt	7%
Provide health services	5%
Give construction permits	5%
Help in crisis	5%
Don’t know	25%

Even though most Cambodians feel they are more affected by local rather than national government, they have only a sketchy knowledge of the actual duties of commune governments. The most mentioned responsibilities were those that are most visible: maintaining and building roads (26%), resolving disputes and mediating conflicts (24%), and maintaining law and order (18%), but each was mentioned by, at most, only a quarter of the population. Even smaller proportions of the public mentioned other services: solving problems and receiving complaints regarding government (12%), maintaining and building schools (9%), organizing agricultural activity and dam repairs (8%), providing health services (5%) and construction permits (5%), and emergency relief (5%). A few saw the role of local government as negative: corruption (7%) and nepotism (3%).

A quarter (25%) of the population could not specify any functions of local government at all. They tended to be under 25, women with less than primary education, rural women under 35, and residents of the central and northwest regions.

Direction of the Communes

Now let’s talk about the commune where you live. Generally speaking, do you think things in your commune today are going in the right direction, or do you think they are going in the wrong direction? (Q.84)

In another example of the general feeling of optimism in the country, Cambodians are generally positive on developments within their own communes: 67% say things in their commune are headed in the right direction, while just 17% say they are not headed in the right direction, and 16% are not sure. There is almost no variation in views on this question between different social and demographic groups.

Commune Right Direction Reasons

Why do you say that? (Q.85) (Reasons given by 5% or more)

Base: 676

The reasons cited as to why communes are moving in the right direction are similar to those given for the country as a whole: recovering economy, improving services, reconstruction, and peace, but only 10% credited government and leaders for the positive direction, and only 7% cited democracy and freedom as the reason why things were getting better. The most often cited factor is economic recovery and development, mentioned by 36%. Improved government services, such as schools, health care, and social services, are cited by 29%. Building and reconstruction are mentioned by 26%, and the restoration of peace by 23%. Some progress in general was cited by 13% of the respondents

.

Commune Wrong Direction Reasons

Why do you say that? (Q.85) (Reasons given by 5% or more)

Base: 170

The principal reasons given by the 17% of the population that thinks their communes are headed in the wrong direction are poverty, corruption, poor infrastructure, and economic deterioration. Poverty is the most cited factor, mentioned by 38% (of the 17%), followed by corruption at 33%, poor infrastructure at 24%, deteriorating economy at 23%, crime at 17%, local conflict and violence at 10%, and repression at 9%.

These are much the same reasons as those cited at the national level, and the poll found that the only group of people where a majority said their commune was headed in the wrong direction was the small group who also felt the country was headed in the wrong direction.

Biggest Local Problems

In your view, what is the biggest problem facing your commune? And what is the next biggest problem? (Q.86/87) (Reasons given by 5% or more)

As at the national level, poverty is the biggest concern at the level of the commune: 66% of Cambodians call it one of the top two local problems. However, unlike the national level, the second most frequently mentioned local problem is water shortages, at 19%. This problem comes up more than twice as often in rural areas (21%) as among urban dwellers (10%), and is most severe in the Southeast (26%) and Southwest (24%) regions.

Next comes the problem of underdeveloped infrastructure, mentioned by 14%.

Overall, crime is one of the top local concerns for 13% of Cambodians, but it is particularly important for Phnom Penh residents, of whom 25% mention it, while it is cited by only 12% of rural people. Health care is cited as a top local concern by 8% of Cambodians. Corruption is a top local problem for only 7%, but the problem grows with the size of the commune: it is mentioned by 17% of Phnom Penh residents, 12% of those in cities of 250,000 to 1-million, and just 5% of rural residents.

Rating of Commune Government

Would you say that you are very satisfied, fairly satisfied, somewhat dissatisfied or very dissatisfied with the job the commune government is doing in the area where you live? (Q.88)

Although most Cambodians are satisfied with their current commune government, a sizable minority, and a majority in Phnom Penh, are not. While 58% are satisfied with the job their commune government is doing, 37% say they are dissatisfied, and 5% are not sure. Residents of Phnom Penh give their commune government a thumbs-down, 53% to 44%. In contrast, residents of smaller cities and rural areas are positive about their local governments.

The proportion of the population that is dissatisfied with their commune government is more than twice the proportion who said their commune was headed in the wrong direction (17%). The confidence in commune government is also somewhat lukewarm: some 39% are fairly satisfied, while only 19% are very satisfied.

Summary: Local Issues and Governance

•Cambodians think their commune governments influence their lives more than the national government does.

•Most Cambodians still have a traditional political orientation, see good local governance as having paternalistic, rather than democratic characteristics.

•Most Cambodians know little about the role of local government beyond the maintenance of roads and security.

•Most think their communes are headed in the right direction, for reasons similar to those at the national level (economic development, services, reconstruction, peace).

•Cambodians feel their biggest local problem is poverty, as it is at the national level, but their second most important concern is water supply, particularly in rural areas.

•Most Cambodians are satisfied with the job their commune governments are doing, except in Phnom Penh, where a majority of the public is critical of the performance of the commune.

Chapter 3

Attitudes Towards the Commune Elections

Awareness of Commune Elections

Have you heard anything about commune elections coming? (Q.26)

Almost three-fifths (57%) of Cambodians have heard that commune elections are coming -- but that leaves 40% who have not and 3% who are not sure. There is a sixteen-point gender gap in awareness of the elections: 66% of men have heard of them, against 50% of women. In fact, among several groups of women, the largest part have not heard about the elections, including those with less than primary education (53% haven’t heard/42% have), urban women over 35 (51% haven’t heard/49% have), and housewives (52% haven’t heard, 42% have). Awareness of the election is also low among those under 25 (50% haven’t heard, 47% have) and those with no schooling (50% haven’t heard, 41% have). Low awareness is also concentrated among those who do not watch TV: 52% of them have not heard about the election, against just 44% who have.

Turnout: 2002 and 1998

Do you think you will vote in this election? (Q.27)

Did you vote in the 1998 elections? (Q.75)

Once respondents become aware that elections are coming, turnout appears likely to be extremely high. In these first upcoming local government elections, some 97% of respondents said they will participate. Only 2% said they would not. This is even higher than the 89% turnout reported by respondents in the 1998 elections. Thus trying to motivate participation -- as opposed to simply informing people of the election -- does not appear to be a key voter education goal in Cambodia for this vote.

Reasons for Voting

What is the most important reason why you want to vote? (Q.28) (Reasons cited by 5% or more of potential voters)

Choose leaders	39%
End corruption	20%
Authorities say so	11%
Civic duty	10%
Freedom/democracy	5%
Don’t know	2%

Base: 970

The most frequent reason given for wanting to vote is the first opportunity ever to choose commune leaders or a new commune chief, mentioned by 39%. After that comes the struggle against corruption, cited by 20%. Disturbingly, some 11% say they will vote because the authorities will say they must. Only 10% cite their civic duty or democratic obligations, and only 5% cite freedom and democracy as reasons for voting.

Reasons for Not Voting

What is the most important reason why you may not vote? (Q.29)

(Reasons cited by 5% or more of potential non-voters)

Base: 35

The principal reasons cited by the very small proportion (only 2%) of voters who said they may not vote were personal factors (15%), lack of interest (15%), or lack of time (13%). After these came the belief that the vote makes no difference (12%), or lack of knowledge about how the elections work (8%). Some 7% each gave the response that they didn’t know the parties or don’t support anyone. The likelihood of cheating in the count was given as the reason for not voting by 5% of the very small group who said they would abstain.

Overall, these figures are of little interest in programming for the current election cycle, but may provide an important baseline for future elections.

Free and Fair Elections? 2002 vs. 1998

Some people think the commune election will be free and fair in your area, some think they will not be, and some are not sure. How about you? (Q.43)

Did you think that the 1998 election was free and fair in your area; did you think it was not free and fair, or are you not sure? (Q.77)

The majority (51%) of Cambodians are uncertain whether the upcoming commune elections will be free and fair, but only 4% say they will not be free and fair, and 45% are confident they will be free and fair. This suggests there will need to be a substantial effort to increase confidence in the process prior to the election. There is less uncertainty over what happened in the 1998 elections, with a strong majority of 59% confident they were free and fair, while 13% say they were unfair, and only 28% are unsure.

Of all the factors examined in the poll, perceptions of the chances of cheating in the conduct of the commune elections are most closely connected to expectations about the fairness of the vote. Among those who expected no cheating, 76% said the election would be free and fair; of those who expected cheating or weren’t sure, 73% also said the election would be unfair or weren’t sure. Experience in the last election -- as reflected in perceptions of the fairness of the 1998 vote -- were also closely connected to expectations for 2002.

Cheating in Elections? 2002 vs. 1998

2002: Some people think there will be no cheating in the way the election is run, some think there can be cheating, and some are not sure. Which of these opinions do you agree with? (Q.51)

1998: Some people think there was no cheating in the way the election was run, some think there was cheating, and some people are not sure. Which of these opinions do you agree with? (Q.78)

Reflecting opinions on fairness, uncertainty also dominates voters perceptions on whether there may be cheating in the upcoming elections, with 51% unsure, 12% who think there will be cheating, and only 37% confident there will be no cheating. A majority of Cambodians also express concern about cheating in the 1998 national elections, even though they were regarded as free and fair with only 44% confident there was no cheating, while 39% are not sure, and 18% say there was cheating.

Once more, perceptions of 1998 help shape expectations: a majority (56%) of those who say there was no cheating in 1998 expect none in the commune elections, while most (78%) of those who think cheating happened or aren’t sure about the last elections say the same for the forthcoming ones. Those who were concerned about cheating in 2002 tended to have specific worries, when presented with a list of nine potential areas of electoral misconduct (for details see Part V), the more concerns they cited, the likelier they were to express concern about cheating in the election.

Expectations for the 2002 Elections

Do you think voting in the commune elections will make a big difference, some difference, little difference or no difference at all? (Q.30)

The largest part of the Cambodian public, 42%, is uncertain about what to expect from the commune elections, while the rest are fairly evenly split, 33% saying the vote will make a difference, and 26% saying it will not. Broken down further, some 16% expect a big difference, 17% some difference, 12% little difference, and 14% no difference at all. Expectations of change tend to be higher among men, particularly those under 35, and those with primary or secondary education. They are lowest among women, especially women over 35, and those with no or incomplete primary education. Those who say the elections will be free and fair and that there will be no cheating also have significantly higher expectations than those who do not believe that, suggesting that low expectations are substantially a result of the doubts about the fairness of the electoral process.

Changes Expected

What is the most important thing you expect to change? (Q.31) How long after the election will this take to happen? (Q.32) (Changes mentioned by 10% or more of those saying election will make a difference, and the time frame in which the change expected)

	CHANGE EXPECTED	TIME FRAME
		1 Year	1-5 Years	5+ Years
All		41%	37%	4%
Leaders/council/Chief	28%	43%	34%	2%
Fairer/Better conflict resolution	15%	51%	26%	0%
Better-generally	15%	26%	54%	6%
Better roads	11%	39%	42%	2%
More help in crises	10%	39%	48%	3%

Unsurprisingly, the change most often expected as a result of the commune elections is in the leadership -- the commune council or chief. This is mentioned by 28% of respondents. Some 43% expect this will occur within a year, and 34% say within one to five years. Fairer or better resolution of local conflicts is expected by 15%, and rather quickly --- 51% of them say it will happen within a year. General improvement is expected by 15%, but rather slowly -- 54% say it will take one to five years, only 26% expect it within a year. Better roads are expected by 11%, while 10% expect more help in crises. The largest part of the public expects improvements in both these areas will take one to five years, although 39% expect change in less than a year for both.

Overall, expectations seem reasonable, with those thinking elections will produce changes in personnel expecting quick action, while those who expect changes in local services and conditions such as roads realize that substantive changes may take years.

Summary: Attitudes Towards the Commune Elections

•Around three-fifths of Cambodians have heard commune elections are coming, but that leaves a substantial minority who has not.

•After hearing that elections are coming, almost all intend to vote.

•The most popular reason for voting is the right to choose local leaders; next comes fighting against corruption.

•Non-voting was related to personal problems, lack of interest, or lack of time, not electoral problems.

•A majority of the public is not confident that the commune elections will be free and fair.

•An even larger majority is not confident there will be no cheating in the elections.

•Cambodians generally believe in the secrecy of the ballot, although a significant minority has doubts on this score.

•Expectations that the election will change things are fairly low, perhaps because of the uncertainty about how fair it will be.

•The principal changes hoped for are new leadership and fairer decisions in the communes.

Chapter 4

Registration Needs

Awareness of Registration

Have you heard anything about people needing to register themselves to vote in the commune elections next year? (Q.40)

More than 70% of the Cambodian public is not aware of a need to register to vote in the commune elections. Six out of ten Cambodians (61%) have not heard anything about people needing to register. Another 10% are unsure if they’ve heard details about registration. Women (especially young women), voters with no formal education and those who are not regularly exposed to the news media are least likely to have knowledge of registration requirements.

Only 29% have heard about voter registration. They are likely to be better-educated men, especially in the cities, and people who attend religious services regularly. They are also more politically involved: they tend to belong to organizations and are much more likely to read a newspaper and discuss politics with their friends. The need for education about registration requirements is thus nearly universal. There is not a single demographic group where the proportion which has heard the registration may be needed numbers more than 40%, even among the youngest and best educated.

Awareness of Who Needs to Register

Many people are not sure who will have to register. Do you happen to have an idea of who will have to register? (Q.41)

Even among the minority of Cambodians who think they have heard something about registration for the commune elections, many who think they “know” are wrong. Current plans call for everyone to register for the local government elections, but even among the better-informed segments of the public there is considerable uncertainty about who is required to register for commune elections. Voters are split between the idea that all residents of the commune must register (42%) and the alternative impression that only people who turned 18 since the last election need register (41%). Only two percent (2%) believe only those who moved since the last election must register. Sixteen percent (16%) admit they do not know who is required to register.

Ironically, it is the best-informed segments of the population who are most likely to have the wrong idea about registration: people with more formal education, especially young urban men and organization members. Overall, only about 12% of the public says they have heard about registration and also that everyone must register.

Voters Who Have Moved

Have you changed your address or moved since the 1998 election? (Q.42)

The survey also sought to shed some light on how many people would be affected by narrower registration requirements focusing on those who have moved or come of age since the last election. Only 10% of Cambodians have changed their address since the last election, while 90% have stayed put. Under 25 year olds, at 14%, are a bit more likely to have moved then the general population (10%), but they also tend to be relatively affluent and literate readers and can be reached effectively through newspapers or TV. Besides those who have moved, around 6% of the population has come of voting age since the last election. Adding them to the group who has moved (and counting only once those who have both moved and come of age) gives us a total of 15% of the population who would have to register under an alternative rule requiring only those who moved or came of age to vote.

Summary: Registration Needs

•Awareness of the need to register is generally low.

•It is particularly low among women and less educated voters, many of whom have not even heard about the upcoming commune elections.

•Confusion about registration requirements is widespread.

•There is considerable uncertainty about who needs to register. Equal proportions of the electorate believe that everyone must register and that only those who turned 18 since the last election need to register, with the more politically aware generally in the latter group.

•Education about registration must be targeted to the entire electorate. The vast majority of Cambodians are unaware that they will all have to register again, as current plans provide.

Chapter 5

Voter Education Needs

Information

Do you think you need more information about how the commune election will work? (Q.43)

Almost all Cambodians (92%) feel they need more information about how the commune elections will work. This finding is not surprising, given that few final decisions had been made and communications about plans were limited at the time of the survey. Cambodians are very open to a voter education campaign around the local elections. People feel like they are in the dark when it comes to commune elections, and they freely admit they need information. But it will be very important that initial information is accurate, since any misinformation will spread just as rapidly as factual information (as our results on registration showed).

Council Voting: Parties or Individuals?[1]

Many people are not sure how the voting will work. Do you happen to know whether people will vote for parties or individuals when they choose a council or group of people to head the commune? (Q.36)

Here are two ideas on how they should vote:

· Voting for individuals/ individuals who may or may not belong to a party.

· Voting for party lists/lists of people who belong to a party.

Which would you prefer the first idea or the second idea? (Q 37)

Cambodians are not sure how voting in the commune elections will take place, but they favor voting for individuals over voting for party lists by a large majority. Almost half of the electorate (47%) is unsure how commune elections will work. About a third of voters (32%) believe people will vote for individuals when they choose a commune council, while barely a fifth (21%) think votes will be cast for parties on a proportional representation basis, as the draft legislation provides. Thus only a tenth of the voters is aware of how the election is likely to be run. A sizable majority of Cambodians (56%) would prefer voting for individuals, rather than party lists (28%). Fifteen percent (15%) are not sure what system they would prefer in commune elections. Those who favor voting for individuals substantially outnumber those who prefer proportional representation via party lists in every demographic and social group. Conducting the election on the basis of individual voting would thus be likely to enhance its legitimacy in the eyes of the voters

Selection of Commune Chief

Many people are not sure how the commune chief will be chosen. Do you happen to know how the commune chief will be selected? (Q.38)

Here are three ideas on how to select the commune chief:

· By the commune council members.

· The leader of the largest party on the council

· Elected by the voters.

Which do you prefer? (Q.39)

A similar situation prevails regarding the selection of the commune chief. Cambodians don’t know how it will be done, but they know how they want it to be done. The vast majority of Cambodians (78%) are unsure how the commune chief will be chosen. Of those who venture a response, most (18%) believe the commune chief will be elected by the voters, while 2% think the chief will be chosen by the leader of the largest party. Only 1% thinks the decision will be made by the commune council, as the current rules provide. However, nearly eight of ten voters (79%) prefer that the commune chief be selected by the voters. The overwhelming support for direct election of the commune chief means that this procedure would likely be viewed as more legitimate than selection by the council.

Election Concerns

I’m going to mention some problems that can happen in elections. For each one, tell me if you think it is possible here in the commune election next year. (Q.44)

News media bias favoring party	30%
Gifts or payments for votes	23%
Violence against party activists or voters	14%
Cheating in counting	13%
Forcing people to pledge vote for a party	11%
Threats from officials	10%
Finding out how people voted	9%
Forcing people to join a party and vote for it	9%
Not being allowed to register	4%
None of these possible	42%
No response	10%

Almost half (48%) of Cambodians think there is a possibility of some type of cheating in the commune election, although 43% say no cheating is possible, and 10% are not sure. News media bias favoring a particular party is the most frequently cited cause for concern, with 30% worried about this happening, especially younger voters, those with more formal education, and voters in the south and central regions of the country. The possibility of gifts or payments being exchanged for votes concerns 23% of voters, including men, younger voters, more educated voters, those with higher incomes, and urban dwellers. Other anticipated election problems include violence against party activists or voters (14%) and cheating in vote counting (13%), various types of intimidation: forced pledges to vote for a party (11%), and threats from officials to force people to vote for a party (10%) or join it (9%). Next came violations of ballot secrecy (9%) and blocking registration of residents (4%).

Number of Election Concerns

Number of concerns about election fairness (Q.44)

Further sub-dividing the 48% of Cambodians who express concern about possible election problems, some 18% say one could occur in their areas, 18% believe two or three could occur, and 11% think four or more could occur. Election problems were expected by a majority of men, those with at least primary education, upper income groups, residents of larger cities (over 250,000), and those exposed to news media. None were expected by majorities of women, voters without primary education, those with low incomes, those in smaller cities (under 250,000) and in rural areas, and those not exposed to TV, radio, and the newspapers. These findings suggest that to allay voter concerns about the election, there is a need for substantive confidence-building measures to enable voter education to make the case that the election really will be fair.

1998: Was Ballot Secrecy Violated?

Did you think there was any way for someone to find out how you voted without your telling them? (Q.76)

A large majority of Cambodians think the secrecy of the vote was respected in the 1998 election: 81% say there was no way for someone to find out how they voted without their telling them. However, a total of 19% harbored doubts (7% thought someone could find out, 12% didn’t know). Uncertainty about ballot secrecy was greatest among those over 50 (28% thought someone could find out or didn’t know), those with no education (26%), and rural women over 35 (29%).

Know Where to Complain

If one of these problems happens in your area in the election, do you know to whom you could complain? (Q.45)

While concern about possible election irregularities is widespread, voters in Cambodia do not know what to do about them. Six in ten voters (59%) do not know where they would take an election complaint if they had one. Another 4% are unsure. Just 38% know to whom they would complain if the need arose. Women with less than primary education and low-income voters are the least certain of where they would report irregularities. Of those who think they know where to go, a plurality (36%) would go to the village chief or village government. About a fifth (22%) think the commune chief or commune government would be the appropriate party to hear an election complaint. Ten percent (10%) would go to election monitors, observers, the NGO’s or COMFREL. Only 8% would go to the national election committee and 7% the local election committee -- the bodies charged with running the election.

Some 6% would go to the police. It is clear that to increase confidence in the election process one of the priority tasks for voter education must be informing voters of the location and procedures for filing complaints.

Who Will Run the Commune Elections?

Many people are not sure who will organize and run the local elections. Do you happen to know who will organize and run the election in your commune? (Q.35)

The vast majority of Cambodians (81%) do not know who will be in charge of running the upcoming local elections. Even among the 18% who believe they know who the responsible entity is, there is no clear consensus. Their responses range from the royal/national government (10%) to commune officials or village officials (3% respectively), to NGOs, different political parties, the National Assembly, and international organizations. Only 2% mention the National Election Commission -- the correct answer under the pending legislation. Thus, voter education needs to clarify for almost everyone who is running the commune election, as well as to tell people how the voting will work.

Coercion and Corruption of Voters

(Q.47/48/49)

	YES	NO
If someone is paid to vote for a party, do you believe they must vote for it?	19%	65%
If someone is forced to join a party, do you believe they must vote for it?	12%	72%
If someone is forced to pledge to vote for a party, do you believe they must vote for it?	12%	72%

Most Cambodians are ready to disregard attempts to coerce or corrupt the voting process -- but a significant minority is open to these efforts or says they are not sure about how to respond. Nearly three-quarters (72%) believe a voter is not obligated to vote for a party they are forced to join or pledged to support under pressure, and 65% believe a voter is free to vote for whoever they want, even if they are paid to vote for a particular party. However, this leaves roughly one-quarter to one-third of the electorate potentially susceptible to these abuses. Some 19% think that money exchanged means an obligation to support the party that paid it, and 16% are not sure. Some 12% believe a pledge or membership, even under duress, is an obligation to support that party, and 16% are not sure. Similarly, 12% consider a forced pledge to vote for a party as binding, and 17% are not sure. Differences among demographic groups on these issues are relatively minor. Reassurances will thus need to be provided by voter education to the population pretty generally on this score.

Who Should Appoint Election Officials?

Here are two ideas on how to run the election. Which do you prefer, the first idea or the second? (Q.52)

A strong majority of Cambodians (72%) believes that commune election officials should be appointed by all parties, while18% think that one party should appoint most of the officials who organize and run the election, and 10% are unsure how election officials should be appointed. There is a very broad consensus in favor of multi-party control of the elections, with substantial majorities in favor in every demographic group.

Presence of Observers

Have you heard whether there will be non-partisan groups to observe and monitor the elections?(Q.54)

Most Cambodians don’t know (43%) or are not sure (19%) if non-partisan observers will monitor the commune election, but 38% have heard the elections will be observed. Women, especially those with less than primary school education, are least aware of the role of non-partisan election observers.

The youngest voters (under 25) and oldest (over 50) also tend to have less information about monitoring, as do those in rural areas. Since the presence of non-partisan observers is an important factor in increasing confidence in the integrity of the election process, voter education efforts will need to bring the news about observers to those who have not heard about them.

Measures to Improve Voter Confidence

Suppose you saw a non-partisan monitor watching when you go to vote. Would this give you much more, somewhat more, a little more, or no more confidence that the elections will be free and fair?(Q.55)

PROPOSED MEASURE	LEVEL OF CONFIDENCE
	Much More	Somewhat More	Little & No More
Officials who organize and run the elections appointed by all parties	51%	24%	13%
Non-partisan groups observing and monitoring the elections	47%	24%	17%

It is very apparent that the confidence-building measures examined in the survey -- multi-party control of the election and non-partisan observers -- would vastly improve confidence in the commune election process. Seventy-five percent of Cambodian voters would have more confidence that the election will be free and fair (51% would have much more confidence) if all parties appoint election officials, and seeing non-partisan election monitors at the polls while voting would give 71% more confidence in a free and fair election (including 47% who have much more confidence). The positive impact of these measures is both broad and uniform across all demographic groups.

Impact of Confidence-Building Measures: Perceptions of Election Fairness

Some people think the commune election will be free and fair in your area, some think it will not be free and fair, and some are not sure. How about you? Which of these opinions do you agree with? (Q.43/56)

The survey results dramatically demonstrate that measures to build voter confidence -- multi-party control and the presence of non-partisan monitors -- could convince a majority of Cambodians that the elections would be free and fair. More than six out of ten voters (62%) feel the elections will be free and fair if both confidence-building measures happen. This is a sharp increase of 16 percentage points over the current perception. Without confidence measures, only 45% think the election will be free and fair, and more than half the electorate has doubts about a free and fair election.

With confidence-building measures in place, doubt is significantly reduced. Those voters who were among the most uncertain that the election would be free and fair, men, better educated voters and higher income voters, are the most likely to gain confidence (between 23 and 32 percentage points) in free and fair elections when confidence measures are put in place. The confidence gains of women, less educated voters and those over age 50 were not as significant (10 to 14%), but they had less doubt about the election to begin with.

Impact of Confidence-Building Measures: Change in Results on Cheating

Some people think there will be no cheating in the way the election is run, some think there can be cheating, and some are not sure. Which of these opinions do you agree with? (Q.51/57)

The confidence-building measures of multi-party control and non-partisan election monitoring would also substantially increase confidence that there would be no cheating in the election. About half the electorate (49%) thinks there will be no cheating with both confidence building measures in effect, a 12 percentage point boost in confidence. Thirteen percent (13%) still fear there can be cheating, and another 39% are not sure, or are not comfortable enough to say.

Confidence-building measures can have a major positive impact on the electorate’s concern about cheating. However, given the connection of perceptions of cheating to perceptions of past elections (Part III), further gains on this issue will probably require the experience of an election in which cheating is seen as reduced. The biggest gains in confidence occurred among men and the better educated -- those most likely to expect election abuses. Women, younger voters and those with little formal education are comforted the least by confidence-building measures designed to prevent election cheating, but these were the groups least likely to expect cheating initially.

Voter Education Recommendations for Specific Target Groups:

Target Groups	Unsure What Local Govt does	Not Heard of Elections	Fear Ballot Not Secret
Housewives	39%	50%	26%
Women<primary school	33%	53%	24%
Voters under 25	32%	50%	19%
Urban women over 35	29%	51%	21%
National Average for comparison	25%	40%	19%

The survey findings suggest that the initial phase of the voter education campaign should target some specific groups of Cambodian voters who, in order to participate meaningfully in the democratic process, require basic efforts to raise their awareness about the role of the commune government and the election process.

These groups include those voters who have little idea what local government does, have not heard about the elections, and lack confidence in ballot secrecy. They are also the most likely to lack the basic background knowledge and education required to make sense of the commune elections and decentralization process, and their lack of confidence in ballot secrecy makes them the most susceptible to intimidation or attempts to purchase their votes.

For these voters, additional efforts are needed to:

-Explain the role of commune government;

-Inform them that elections are coming; and

-Provide reassurance concerning ballot secrecy.

The voters in these groups tend to be female and/or poorly educated, housewives, women with less than full primary school, voters under 25, and older urban women. They should be the targets of the initial awareness effort.

Voter Education Recommendations for All Voters:

All voters need to be targeted for education about:

•The voting system

•The selection of the commune chief

•Who will organize and run the elections

•How to complain about irregularities

•The invalidity of forced pledges, party membership, and vote sales

The survey findings suggest that public knowledge about the commune elections is low. A second, more general, phase of the voter education campaign should be targeted to the entire electorate, and cover essential issues about which most voters are uninformed. Some important points are:

-What the voting system will be (individual or party list).

-How the commune chief will be selected (council, voters, or largest party).

-Who will organize and administer the elections.

-How to complain about irregularities, and to whom.

In addition, all voters should learn that they do not have to cast their vote for a party that forces them to pledge support or to join the party. Likewise, it will be important to make clear to all voters that there is no moral obligation to cast a ballot for a party that has tried to buy a vote with money or gifts. It is important to target these messages to all voters, as the voters most vulnerable to intimidation or bribery are distributed across all demographic groups.

This phase of the campaign should begin once the initial phase has made the whole public aware of the coming commune elections and the passage of legislation and setting of an election date has filled in all the blanks regarding their administration.

Summary: Voter Education Needs

•Cambodians want more information about the commune elections. Most lack basic information about the process.

•People are unclear whether they will vote for parties or individuals, how their commune chief will be selected, who will run the elections, and how to complain about irregularities.

•They do have opinions on how the elections should work: they would prefer to vote for individuals and to directly elect the commune chief.

•There is also substantial concern about various possible election abuses.

•Confidence building measures such as the widespread presence of non-partisan election monitors and the multi-party appointment of election officials would be effective in reassuring voters.

•Voter education can begin immediately with an initial phase targeted to increase awareness of the elections, local government, and ballot secrecy among younger, less educated, and female voters.

•In a second phase after enabling legislation is passed, voter education efforts oriented towards all voters will be needed to explain the workings of the commune electoral process.

Chapter 6

Civic Education Needs and Issues

Characteristics of a Democratic Country

If a country is called a democracy, what does that mean to you? Anything else? (Q.65)

Don’t Know / No Response:	67%
Political Rights: - “Freedom,” “people have rights,” “can do what they want;” - “Freedom of speech,” “Freedom to express opinions,” “People have their voice heard; - “Equality,” “Equal rights;” - “Free elections”; - Other.	38% 11% 11% 9% 3% 5%
Economic Gains:	3%
Peace, Stability, Security:	4%

Base: 497

The survey reveals that most Cambodians still have limited knowledge of and experience with democracy. Two-thirds of Cambodians (67%) cannot describe any characteristics of a democracy. Those who do have some understanding of the concept view it above all as political, and equate it primarily with freedoms and liberty, rather than self-government. The principal associations are freedom (11%), freedom of speech (11%), and equal rights (9%), however only 3% associate it with free elections. Interestingly, relatively few associate democracy with economic prosperity (3%), or with peace and stability (4%).

The groups most likely to have no idea of what democracy means, and therefore the most in need of civic education on this issue are women, the poorly educated, the young, small farmers, and those who are not exposed to the media or do not belong to organizations.

The lack of understanding of the concept of democracy clearly means civic education on the meaning of democracy (particularly on the connection between a free political system and elections) is required in addition to voter education. Promoting the development of civil society organizations also will expose people to a chance to learn about the characteristics of a democracy, the poll results suggest.

Personal Consequences of Democracy

What, if anything, is the most important thing that a democracy in Cambodia will bring you personally? Anything else? (Q.66)

Don’t Know / Nothing	46%
Political Rights	44%
Freedom	17%
Equality - equal rights	12%
Freedom of speech	6%
Other	9%
Economic gains	34%
Progress/ development/ prosperity/ better business	14%
Rebuilt infrastructure/	5%
Freedom to choose jobs	4%
Other	9%
Peace; stability consensus	5%
Freedom for travel	5%

Base: 507

A majority of Cambodians (54%) do believe that democracy offers them something personally. Political rights again top the list at 44%, the most important being freedom and equal rights, followed by freedom of speech. Political rights clearly matter to people who have lived under decades of oppression. However, 46% of Cambodians are unable to name any personal consequences of democracy. Their demographics are similar to those of the people who cannot offer any definition of a democratic country.

In contrast to its low showing on characteristics of a democracy, economic gains are cited by 34% as the most important personal consequence of democracy. The most frequently noted is greater prosperity, followed by the rebuilding of infrastructure and the ability to choose one’s own job, all sharp contrasts to what came before under the Khmer Rouge and other regimes. Peace and stability are mentioned by 5%, with the freedom to travel as the principal gain.

Personal associations with democracy are thus stronger and more positive than the institutional understanding of the concept in Cambodia, suggesting that civic education providers can use the former to strengthen and give credibility to the latter.

Political Participation

Since the 1993 election have you ever contacted a local commune or national governmental official about some problems, issues, or matters of concern to you? (Q.67) Have you ever worked as a volunteer for any political party or candidates, helping in their campaign or as a party agent in an election campaign in 1993 or 1998? (Q.69) Could you ever imagine yourself running for commune council or some other public office in an election? (Q.70)

	YES	NO
Contacted national government	2%	98%
Contacted commune government	13%	87%
Contacted national and commune government	0%	100%
Worked as volunteer for party/ candidate	11%	86%
Would consider running for council/office	9%	89%

Few Cambodians have actively participated in their government. Only 13% have contacted a local governmental official about a problem or issue since the 1993 election, and a mere 2% have been in touch with the national government on a matter of concern, while none said they had contacted both national and local governments. Just 11% have volunteered for a political party or candidate, or worked in an election campaign, and only 9% can imagine themselves as a candidate for a public office.

The survey finds a very strong association between political participation and level of education, and a fairly strong connection to interest in political discussion. Other positive associations with higher rates of non-electoral participation are gender (with men more active), media exposure, interest in politics, the ability to offer a meaning for democracy, and membership in an organization.

In general, the survey findings suggest that Cambodians feel disconnected from their government. Civic education can foster these connections by stimulating political interest and discussion, teaching what democracy can offer to Cambodians, and encouraging participation in civil society organizations.

Political Interest and Discussion

How interested are you in politics? (Q.71)

How often do you discuss politics with friends? (Q.72)

Overall, Cambodians have a fairly low level of interest in politics. Just 23% are very interested in politics, and 27% somewhat interested. In contrast, 12% say they have little interest, and a plurality, 37%, confess to having no interest at all in the topic. Gender, education, and age are the most powerful influences on interest in politics. The majority of women, particularly those with less than primary education, have little interest in politics. The same is true for Cambodians over 35. Media exposure is also closely linked to interest in politics, with the majority of those who are not exposed to TV, radio, or newspapers having little or none. Political interest is also tied to knowledge and acceptance of the values of democracy. Ignorance of any meaning that democracy might have for the respondent’s life and political intolerance are both associated with a lack of interest in politics.

Since citizen involvement in political debate is a foundation of democracy, it is of even more concern that six out of ten Cambodians (60%) never or hardly ever discuss politics with friends, and another 25% do not discuss politics very often. The factor most strongly connected to political discussion is political interest, and not surprisingly, discussion varies with the same demographic factors as interest. Fear is also a factor, as those who do not discuss politics are twice as likely to say people in their areas can’t speak their minds freely and think that most people cannot be trusted.

This lack of conversation has serious implications. If democracy is to work in Cambodia, people must feel free to publicly address issues facing their communes, as well as possible solutions. Civic education efforts should encourage Cambodians to pay attention to local politics -- by showing its connection to their lives -- and to speak their minds about it.

Local Political Efficacy

How much influence do you think someone like you can have over commune government decisions – a lot, some, very little or none at all? (Q.68)

Currently Cambodians feel cut off from commune government and relatively powerless to effect change even in their own communities. More than six out of ten voters (61%) think they have very little or no influence at all over local government decisions, and just a fifth of Cambodians feel they can have some influence over commune decisions, while only 7 percent believe they have significant power to impact decisions.

Membership in civil society organizations is strongly associated with political efficacy, with 42% of members of groups such as kitchen/pot associations, death associations, water supply groups or farm associations feeling they have influence. In contrast, only 23% of those who are not members of any organizations feel they have an influence on commune government. In demographic terms, primary-educated men and rural men over 35 have the largest proportions that feel influential (33%), while the smallest proportions are found among women with less than primary education, urban women of all ages, Phnom Penh residents, and those with no schooling at all. In all these groups, even those with the largest proportions who feel influential, the majority believe they do not have a say in local affairs.

Those people who are more likely to feel they can have some influence over commune government decisions are also more likely to have some idea of what democracy means, be interested in and talk about politics, feel that people are free to express their opinions, and participate in politics in ways beyond the vote. In other words, if civic education efforts can help build a culture of citizenship, Cambodians are likely to feel more effective.

Political Tolerance: Party Meetings

Do you think that all political parties, even the ones most people do not like, should be allowed to hold meetings in your area? (Q.63)

Cambodians demonstrate considerable tolerance towards differing parties in their communes. Almost two-thirds (64%) believe that all political parties, even unpopular ones, should be allowed to hold meetings in their area. Still, more than a third do not express tolerant attitudes, as a quarter of voters (23%) would restrict political meetings, and 12% are unsure.

Men (73%) are more tolerant than women (57%) with regard to meetings. This suggests that the issue behind intolerance is less aggression towards out-groups than fear of the violence their presence could bring into the community. Education, media exposure, and urbanization also correlate directly with acceptance of political meetings. Intolerance is greatest among those with little education, without TV, radio, and newspapers, and in rural areas. Political interest, political discussion, the acceptance of gender equality in politics, and the perception that democracy offers something to a person’s life are also associated with tolerance of opposing parties.

Tolerance of opposing parties is part of the set of attitudes that makes up a democratic culture. Although most Cambodians express political tolerance, a large enough minority exists to make this a priority for civic education

Political Tolerance: Personal

Suppose a friend of yours supported a party that most people did not like. Would you accept that, or would it end your friendship? (Q.64)

The survey results also underlined the limits of political tolerance in Cambodia: revealing it does not extend from meetings of unpopular parties to a friend’s support of an unpopular party. Nearly six in ten Cambodians (58%) would end a friendship with someone who supported an unpopular party, while only 28% could accept it, and 13% are unsure. Older Cambodians and those outside Phnom Penh are slightly more tolerant at the personal level, but a majority of every demographic group across the board would not accept a friend belonging to another party. Even education does not produce a significant increase in tolerance at this level.

Read together with the acceptance of other parties within the community, this finding suggests that Cambodian society is a federation of political cliques that demand internal conformity, rather than one where individual freedom of association is an accepted norm. In light of the country’s history of conflict and factionalism, this is not a surprising finding, but it shows that beyond the acceptance of the presence of opposition parties in the community, an across-the-board effort to promote freedom of association and political tolerance at the individual level is an even bigger long-term task for civic education in Cambodia.

Immigrant Rights

Do you think that immigrants should be allowed to vote in the local elections? (Q.62)

Cambodians demonstrate very little acceptance for immigrants’ rights to participate in the political process. More than two-thirds of the voting-age population (68%) does not believe immigrants should be allowed to vote in local elections. Just 16% feel immigrants should have the right to vote, while another 16% are unsure.

Acceptance of non-Khmer citizens in the political process should be a distinct goal of civic education efforts, and oriented towards the public in general. Protection of minority rights sends a clear signal that democracy represents equality under the law, regardless of ethnicity, education, social status or any other factor.

Gender and Political Leadership

Do you think that commune council members should be mostly men, or do you think that women should be just as active as men in commune councils? (Q.58)

Base 588

The survey reveals that local government is still largely seen as a man’s job. Nearly six in ten Cambodians (59%) believe that men are better suited for commune council membership, while only 36% think women should be just as active as men on the councils. Somewhat surprisingly, there is no gender gap on this question. Women believe (58%) as strongly as men (59%) that commune councils should remain a male preserve.

The broad preference for male council members holds pretty much across the board, with the majority of every social group in the poll favoring male leadership. The youngest voters -- those under 25 -- are slightly more supportive of political equality for the sexes on the councils, with 44% in favor, but even in this group a majority 53% still prefers men as leaders in commune politics. Young urban Cambodians are the most supportive of political activism among women: almost half of urban residents under 35 favor their equal participation in councils.

Overall, the feeling that commune councils should be comprised mostly of men is deeply rooted in Khmer society, probably reflecting both traditional culture, and the military role played by commune government through decades of war and civil conflict. This will be a difficult obstacle to completely overcome before the upcoming commune elections. Nevertheless, acceptance of women’s activism should be considered a long-term, across-the-board civic education goal.

Leadership Mostly for Men: Why?

(Asked of respondents who said that political leadership positions should be mostly for men) Why do you say that? (Q.59)

Men know more, more intelligent, better educated, better at politics/women ignorant of politics, know less.	58%
Family / home responsibilities / women’s place is home	14%
Commune controls militia, police / Security	8%
Women are more emotional, irrational, excitable, men are calmer / inappropriate for women	3%
Because from long time only men	3%
Man is stronger than woman	3%
Religious teachings	1%
Man could work at night, woman couldn’t	1%

Base: 588

More than six in ten Cambodians (63%) believe that commune councils should be mostly men. Of that group, 58% say the reason they hold this view is that men are more intelligent, better educated, and better at politics than women. Older urban dwellers -- both male (73%) and female (77%)--are the most likely to cite this reason. Fourteen percent (14%) of those who think commune councils should be mostly men believe that family and home responsibilities preclude women from commune council membership. Other reasons include the council’s responsibility for security (militia and police) (8%), women’s emotions (3%), men’s strength (3%) and the tradition of male leadership (3%).

Promoting acceptance of gender equality in politics will require overcoming the perception that the knowledge, education, and intelligence required for political leadership belongs mostly to men.

Women as Commune Leaders

Do you think a woman could be a good commune leader? (Q.61)

Base 588

While Cambodians feel that men are more likely to have the qualities of a good commune leader, they do recognize that women can have them as well. More than eight in ten Cambodians (86%) believe that a woman could make a good commune leader. Only 8% disagree, while 6% are unsure. Men are slightly more confident of women’s leadership capabilities than women are of themselves. Ninety percent (90%) of men think a woman could make a good commune leader, while just 84% of women agree. Again, education directly correlates with acceptance of women leaders. Educated, urban voters -- particularly men -- have the most confidence that women could make good commune leaders. The openness to accept women as leaders is good news for civic education efforts. It means that they can focus on showing that women have the qualities needed for leadership, not on overcoming the belief that they are inherently incapable of it.

Women Making Their Own Choice

Do you think a woman should make her own choice for voting, or do you think men should advise her on her choice? (Q.60)

Although a majority of Cambodians feel that commune council membership is primarily a male domain, most accept women’s autonomy when it comes to choosing elected officials. Almost seven in ten Cambodians (69%) believe a woman should make her own choice when voting in elections. Still, some 29% feel a man should advise her when it comes to voting decisions. Once again, there is no gender difference in responses to this question, but there are some demographic differences. There is less support for women’s equality in the less educated and older groups. Voters with no education, women with less than primary education, and older rural people (over 35) are the most likely to say that women need a man’s advice.

Women’s autonomy in voting is a crucial stepping-stone in civic education that opens the door for wider political participation among women. Although there is widespread acceptance of this principle, more needs to be done. The groups that resist letting women make their own choices should be priority targets for civic education on this issue.

Civic Education Recommendations for Specific Target Groups

Target Groups	Don’t Know Democracy Charac-teristics	Not Interested in Politics	Think Men Should Advise Women	Politi-cally Intole-rant
Women with only primary education	88%	61%	31%	34%
Rural Women over 35	82%	57%	31%	30%
Voters younger than 25	86%	44%	30%	31%
Voters not regular TV viewers	77%	58%	29%	32%
National Average (for comparison)	67%	48%	29%	23%

The survey results suggest that the civic education drive should begin with an initial phase of targeted messages on the basics of democracy, to enhance participation in the electoral process. These messages would include:

-What democracy means, including the centrality of elections;

-Why democracy and politics matter to individuals;

-The importance of tolerating meetings of all parties.

-That women should make their own voting choices; and

The primary target groups for these issues include women with less than primary education rural women over 35, young people under 25, and non-TV viewers. The poll results show that these groups are the most likely to score well below average on these issues. The campaign to reach them should be conducted prior to the commune elections, as follow-on to the initial phase of targeted voter education messages.

Civic Education Recommendations for All Voters

Priority Issues for General Civic Education

•Encouraging political participation beyond voting

•Promoting political discussion

•Encouraging tolerance of friends, neighbors or family members who prefer other political parties.

•Immigrant rights

•Women and political leadership

Although Cambodia’s democratic culture is developing, there are still a number of democracy-related norms and practices that should be encouraged through broad-based civic education. They include:

-Participation beyond voting (contacting government, joining organizations, etc.)

-Promoting political discussion (speak-outs, radio call-ins, broadcast dramas, etc.)

-Tolerating friends or family members who prefer other political parties.

-Immigrant rights.

-Women and political leadership.

This phase of the civic education campaign will promote tolerance and help inform the electorate prior to the commune elections. In addition, this type of civic education would represent a logical follow-on to the commune elections, to promote civic participation under the newly elected local governments.

Summary: Civic Education Needs

•There is clearly a great need for civic education in Cambodia. People have limited awareness of the political nature of democracy or its potential impact on their lives, reflecting their lack of exposure to democracy or democratic concepts.

•Few have participated directly in their government beyond voting, the level of political interest is fairly low, and there is even less discussion of politics or political issues. Personal feelings of political efficacy are weak at the commune level.

•There is substantial tolerance of opposing views in a public forum, but enough uncertainty remains -- especially in interpersonal relationships -- to make this/another civic education goal.

•Immigrants’ rights are a pressing problem. There is little acceptance of immigrants in the political process.

•Acceptance of equality for women in political leadership is low, although most Cambodians believe a woman could make a good commune leader. A significant minority of both men and women think that men should advise women on who they should vote for.

•An initial phase of targeted civic education on the meaning of democracy, why women should make their own choices, and tolerating all parties should follow the first, targeted phase of voter education prior to the commune elections.

•A second phase addressed to all voters should precede and follow the vote, covering participation beyond voting, political discussion, interpersonal tolerance, immigrant rights, and women and political leadership.

Chapter 7

Voter Education Sources/Media

Introduction -- Voter Education Sources/Media

This section of the report examines the sources and media that can be used to deliver voter and civic education to the groups that need them. It can be used in conjunction with the information in the Appendices to do detailed media planning for the civic and voter education campaigns.

In this section, and in the Appendices, the primary targets of the campaigns are defined as follows:

· All: The entire population, the target for the second phase voter education and civic education campaigns.

· Initial Phase Voter Education targets: Housewives, women with less than primary school education, voters under 25, and urban women over 35.

· Initial Phase Civic Education targets: Women with less than primary education, rural women over 35, voters under 25, and those who do not watch TV regularly.

Principal News Sources-Country

How do you normally get information about what is happening in the country? (Q.16) (Responses cited by 5% or more)

No single national news medium is dominant in Cambodia: TV, radio, and word of mouth are all important. A third of Cambodians (32%) get information about what is happening in the country from television. Those most likely to watch television regularly have gone to primary or secondary schools or live in an urban area, but Phnom Penh is the only area where a majority of the people (51%) actually gets their information from TV. Interestingly, TV attracts 36% of the people who do not listen to the radio, and 41% of those who read a newspaper.

Almost as many (29%) cite radio as their principal source of information about events in the country and their community. Radio usage exceeds that of TV among rural people, those with less than primary education, and those over 50.

Finally, about a fifth of voters (22%) get most of the information via “word-of-mouth” from friends, family and neighbors. These are likely to be women with little or no formal education, especially in the northern regions of the country.

Newspapers are the main source of information for just 3% of Cambodians.

Principal News Sources-Elections

How have you gotten information about registering and voting for elections? (Q.17) (Responses cited by 5% or more)

Information about registering and voting for elections has typically been the domain of the village chief, as nearly half of all Cambodians (48%) cite their village chief as the main source of this type of information. Rural women (53%), Cambodians over 50 (55%) and those without formal education (55%) are most likely to rely on the village chief.

Broadcast media have played a limited role in spreading information about elections in the past. Radio is the source of election information for only 13%, and only 12% get knowledge about registering and voting from TV. As would be expected, younger, more educated and urban voters tend to get election information from electronic sources. Even so, there are no segments of the public where these have been the principal source of information for a majority. The commune chief (7%) and word-of-mouth from friends and family (6%) also provide an election information resource.

Regular Media Exposure

Respondents who use particular medium 3 days a week or more (Q.8, 12, 19)

	All Voters	Voter Ed Targets[2]	Civic Ed Targets[3]
TV	54%	54%	44%
Radio	44%	40%	40%
Newspaper	6%	4%	4%

TV is the most powerful medium for reaching Cambodian voters, followed by radio. More than half of all Cambodians (54%) watch TV at least three days a week. The same holds true for the initial-phase voter education targets. Fewer than half (44%) of civic education targets watch TV, though it remains the medium with the largest penetration in this group, too. Younger voters, those who have at least primary school education, and those in urban areas are the likeliest to watch TV.

Some 44 percent of voters listen to radio at least three times a week. This includes 40% of both initial-phase voter and civic education targets, rivaling the reach of TV among the latter. Radio use is higher among men, the primary educated, and city dwellers, though it is fairly uniform across age groups. Of those who don’t watch TV regularly, fewer than half (42%) listen regularly to radio. Thus, while radio can provide an important supplement to the TV effort, there remains roughly one-quarter of the population not reached by either broadcast medium, who will require in-person voter education (meetings, visits, plays, etc.)

A mere 6% of Cambodian voters read a newspaper regularly, and the proportion is half that (4%) between the voter and civic education targets. Newspapers will not be a principal focus of voter education

Priority Groups: In-Person Voter Education

Groups where half or more do not watch TV and 60% or more do not listen to radio at least 3 days per week (Q.8/12)

	TV NON VIEWERS	RADIO NON LISTENERS
Northeast Region	86%	60%
Voters with No Education	65%	74%
Rural Women Over 35	56%	64%
Northwest Region	50%	65%

The priority targets for in-person voter education efforts are those who cannot be easily reached through broadcast voter education. To identify priority groups for in-person voter education, the survey set the following criteria: at least 50% of the members of the group did not watch television three or more days a week, and at least 60% did not listen to radio three times a week. The groups that fit these criteria were:

· Residents of the Northeast region -- 86% do not have TV access, 60% lack radio.

· Voters with no education -- 65% cannot be reached by TV, 74% are inaccessible by radio.

· Rural women over 35 -- 56% cannot be reached by TV, 64% lack regular radio access.

· Residents of the Northwest region -- 50% are not regular TV viewers, 65% don’t listen regularly to radio.

In-person voter education efforts will need to emphasize these groups -- particularly since women without education and older rural women are part of the targeted initial phase programs.

Organizational Involvement

Organizations to which 3% or more of respondents belonged Q.22

	ALL VOTERS	VOTER ED TARGETS	CIVIC ED TARGETS
No association	76%	82%	80%
Death association	7%	6%	6%
Kitchen supplies/Pot association	4%	4%	4%
Students parents association	4%	3%	3%
Water supply association	4%	3%	3%
Farmer association	4%	2%	4%
Elderly association	3%	2%	2%
Women’s association (women only)	6%	8%	8%

Most Cambodians (76%) do not belong to any type of organized civic association, reflecting the weakness of organized civil society in Cambodia. Initial-phase targets are even less likely to be involved. More than four in five voter education targets (82%) are uninvolved, along with 80% of civic education targets.

Of those that do belong to associations (24%), none attracts more than 7% of the population. The most common, at 7%, is the death association, which helps with burials and mourning rituals. Six percent of the initial target groups belong to death associations. For women in the two target groups, women’s associations are the most frequent types of membership, with 8% involved. Four percent of voters each belong to a pot association that shares kitchen supplies, a student-parent association, a water supply association or a farmer association. Three percent have joined an association for the elderly.

No other groups had a membership larger than 2% of the adult population. The most likely to belong to a civic organization are those over age 35 (29%), and more educated voters, especially men (32%). Only 18% of those who do not watch TV belong to an organization, and the same is true for only 20% of those who don’t listen regularly to radio. This finding reflects the overall weakness of civil society in Cambodia, and suggests that at this point organizations or associations will not be able to do much to supplement the gaps in broadcast voter education coverage simply by going to their members (although they may be able to play an outreach role to non-members).

Frequency of Religious Services

How many times a month do you go to religious services? (Q.7)

	ALL VOTERS	VOTER ED TARGETS	CIVIC ED TARGETS
Once a week or more	16%	15%	17%
Once a month or more	28%	25%	27%
Less than once a month/ Never	56%	60%	57%

The majority of Cambodians do not attend religious services regularly (45% go less than once a month and 11% never go at all), making effective education through this source unlikely. Members of the priority target groups are even less likely to attend services than the population as a whole, with 69% of the first-phase voter education targets and 60% of civic education targets attending less than once a month or never.

Almost three in ten Cambodians (28%) attend once a month or more, compared to 27% of voter education targets. Older Cambodians -- especially those in rural areas -- are the most religious voters. A third of them (34%) attend services once a week or more. Thus religious institutions may be of use in reaching these voters.

Voter Education Sources - I

I’m going to read you some information sources. For each, tell me if you’d like to get information about the new election from that source. (Q.34) (Accepted by 50% or more)

	ALL VOTERS	VOTER ED TARGETS	CIVIC ED TARGETS
Village chief	74%	74%	74%
TV	73%	71%	66%
House visit by non-partisan voter education group	72%	71%	70%
Commune chiefs	71%	71%	70%
Group leaders	70%	71%	70%
Radio	68%	65%	64%
A public meeting	65%	63%	63%
Friends or family members	58%	60%	57%
Plays performed in your area	56%	60%	57%
Songs / concert	52%	57%	53%
TV drama	50%	52%	47%
A woman neighbor (women respondents only)	50%	55%	51%

Reflecting the hierarchical nature of Cambodian society, the village chief is the most popular source of election information. Nearly three-quarters of Cambodians (74%) would like to get details about commune elections from their village chief. This finding applies equally to initial-phase voter and civic education targets as well. Commune chiefs have an almost equally high approval rating (71%), as do group leaders (70%).

TV (72%) is also a broadly accepted source of information about elections, although it is a bit less appealing to civic education targets (66%). House visits by non-partisan voter education groups are also welcomed widely (71%). Radio (68%) and public meetings (65%) are also acceptable to most voters. So is voter education from friends and family members (58% of all voters), which is important given the reliance by many on word of mouth for news.

Performance communications are acceptable to just over half the electorate: plays (55%), songs and concerts (52%) and TV dramas (50%). Voters under 35, those with at least some primary schooling, and those in rural areas prefer them. Among women, neighbor-to-neighbor education programs would be acceptable, particularly among voter education targets (55%) and civic education targets (51%).

Voter Education Sources - II

I’m going to read you some information sources, for each, tell me if you’d like to get information about the new election from that source. (Q.34) (Accepted by less than 50%)

	ALL VOTERS	VOTER ED TARGETS	CIVIC ED TARGETS
Religious organizations	49%	49%	50%
Neighborhood civic groups	46%	49%	47%
Comic book	41%	38%	36%
Newspapers	38%	31%	30%

Other possible sources of voter education are religious organizations (appealing to 49%), neighborhood civic groups (46%), comic books (41%) and newspapers (38%). Religious organizations have the greatest appeal to older voters (over 50) and those in rural areas. Neighborhood civic groups appeal most strongly to the young (under 35) and those with at least some primary schooling. Comics appealed most strongly to the young (under 35) and those with at least primary school education. Newspapers were quite limited in their appeal, particularly among voter education targets (31%) and civic education targets (30%). Their following was primarily among urban dwellers with primary education or more.

Summary: Voter Education Sources/Media

•TV, radio, and word of mouth are all important news sources in Cambodia, although TV has the broadest reach.

•The membership in organizations and attendance at religious services is relatively limited in Cambodia, but both may offer useful outreach opportunities for voter education.

•Voter education in Cambodia will need to be accomplished through many varied mediums, since TV only reaches about half the electorate on a regular basis, and radio touches only half the remainder. In particular, older, less educated, and rural voters need to be reached through in-person education.

•Village chiefs have been the most important source of information about elections, and remain the most popular source for voter education. Commune chiefs and group leaders are also widely accepted.

•House visits by non-partisan voter educators, public meetings, and neighbor-to-neighbor programs are also broadly accepted. So are plays, songs, and TV dramas.

•Other media are mainly appropriate for specific constituencies: religious groups for older and rural voters, civic groups and comic books for the young and educated.

Chapter 8

Campaign Recommendations

Stage 1: Prior to Electoral Legislation

Emphasis: Voter Education -- Election Awareness

Target Groups: Housewives, women with less than primary school education, voters under 25, and urban women over 35.

Media: Targeted TV, radio, and in-person efforts

•The first stage of the voter education campaign should focus on promoting awareness of the commune elections, the functions and importance of commune government, and ballot secrecy.

•The target groups for the first-stage voter education effort are: housewives, women with less than primary school education, voters under 25, and urban women over 35.

•The most important

•t medium will be targeted TV, followed by radio.

•In-person voter education should be used to supplement these media, particularly among women with no schooling, a target group with little broadcast media exposure.

•This campaign can begin immediately, and run concurrently with later phases, should the election legislation be finalized and the election date set.

•The result will be gains in awareness of the election necessary for informed participation, and the building of capacity for voter education campaigns that will be used for the later phases.

Stage 2: From Electoral Legislation to the Vote

Voter Education	Civic Education
Emphasis: Voter Education on Voter Registration, commune government, and election process.	Emphasis: Basic Civic Education to promote Fair Participation.
Target: All voters	Targets: Women with less than primary education, rural women over 35, voters under 25, and those who do not watch TV regularly.
Media: TV and radio, supplemented by targeted in-person efforts.	Media: Targeted TV, radio, and in-person efforts.
Duration: Registration -- until deadline; process -- until election.	Duration: From announcement of election legislation to the vote.

•The second stage of the campaign is aimed at facilitating a non-violent and credible election, and involves both voter education on the actual election process (including registration requirements) and civic education on the meaning of democracy, independent participation, and tolerance of all parties.

•The voter education effort will need to reach all voters, since almost no one knows how the election will be conducted or how the commune government will function.

•The civic education effort should be targeted on the voter groups who need to learn about the issues it involves. Primary targets will be women with less than primary schooling, women in rural areas who are over 35 (often the same), the youngest voters (under 25) and those without TV.

•TV and radio will be primary media, but large-scale efforts at in-person voter education will also be needed among groups not reached by broadcast media.

•The registration campaign will need to move fast to make sure that all voters have the information they need prior to the registration deadline.

•The remaining voter and civic education programs should run from the passage of the electoral law up to the vote.

•This phase will help to establish an enabling environment for the elections as well as the capacity to conduct universal voter education programs.

Stage 3: After the Commune Elections

Emphasis: Civic Education for Democratic Participation in Local Government

Target Group: All voters

Media: TV and radio, supplemented by targeted in-person efforts

Duration: Beginning after the commune election

•In the stage after the vote, the emphasis should be on civic education to promote democratic participation in commune government institutions, including involvement with government and civil society bodies, political discussion and interpersonal tolerance, as well as women and political leadership.

•All voters should be the targets of these efforts.

•This will require both significant TV and radio presences, as well as targeted in-person efforts to fill in the gaps not reached by broadcast media.

•This stage of the campaign can begin immediately after the election.

Summary: Campaign Recommendations

•Based on the survey findings, a 3-stage campaign plan would be appropriate.

•The first phase, which can begin before the election legislation is passed and the date is set, should concentrate on bringing news of the commune elections and the role of commune government to those Cambodians unaware of them.

•The second phase, which will run from the passage of the election law to the vote, involves a voter education program for all voters on the workings of the elections (including a registration drive) and civic education targeted at those who need assistance in understanding democratic elections, tolerance, and independent political participation.

•The final phase, after the elections, should focus on civic education to promote meaningful democracy at the commune level, including efforts to increase participation in local government and civil society, encourage political discussion and tolerance, and increase possibilities for women’s leadership.

•TV and radio will be the most important media, followed by targeted in-person voter education efforts.

Appendix I

Media Planning Tables

Frequency of Watching TV

How many days a week do you watch TV? (Q.8)

	ALL VOTERS	VOTER ED TARGETS	CIVIC ED TARGETS
Every day/almost every day	45%	46%	37%
At least once a week	20%	20%	16%
Less than once a week	10%	9%	7%
Never	26%	26%	39%

TV Station Most Often Watched

Which TV station do you watch the most often? (Q.9)

(Mentioned by 3% or more of respondents who watch TV)

	ALL VOTERS	VOTER ED TARGETS	CIVIC ED TARGETS
TV5 Royal Army	35%	34%	35%
National TV	20%	20%	20%
TV9 Khmer	19%	17%	19%
TV3 Phnom Penh	10%	12%	11%
Bayon	7%	8%	7%
TV11 Apsara	5%	4%	4%

Base: 748
Favorite Type of TV Program

Which type of program is your favorite? (Q.10)
(Mentioned by 5% or more of respondents who watch TV)

	ALL VOTERS	VOTER ED TARGETS	CIVIC ED TARGETS
Entertainment/Film	78%	86%	86%
Information	53%	44%	43%
Super Game	18%	23%	23%
Sports	15%	6%	6%
General Knowledge	14%	14%	14%

Base: 748

TV Day parts
What time of day do you watch TV most often? (Q.11)
(Respondents who watch TV)

	ALL VOTERS	VOTER ED TARGETS	CIVIC ED TARGETS
8 am – 12 Noon	5%	6%	5%
12 Noon – 5 pm	15%	14%	14%
5 pm – 9 pm	89%	90%	89%
9 pm – 11 pm	15%	15%	16%

Frequency of Radio Listening

How many days a week do you listen to the radio? (Q.12)

	ALL VOTERS	VOTER ED TARGETS	CIVIC ED TARGETS
Every day/almost every day	36%	32%	32%
At least once a week	15%	16%	15%
Less than once a week	6%	6%	6%
Never	43%	46%	46%

Radio Station Most Often Heard

Which radio station do you listen to most often? (Q.13)

(Mentioned by 3% or more of respondents)

	ALL VOTERS	VOTER ED TARGETS	CIVIC ED TARGETS
FM 103	25%	29%	25%
National radio	22%	18%	22%
FM 95 Mz/Bayon (FM 95)	22%	24%	24%
FM 105	8%	7%	7%
FM 98 Army radio station	5%	6%	5%

Base: 570

Favorite Type of Radio Program

Which type of program is your favorite? (Q.14)

(Mentioned by 5% or more of respondents who listen to radio)

	ALL VOTERS	VOTER ED TARGETS	CIVIC ED TARGETS
Entertainment	70%	77%	74%
Information	64%	53%	57%
General knowledge	34%	32%	33%
Game	7%	7%	8%

Base: 570

Radio Day parts

What time of day do you listen to the radio? (Q.15)

	ALL VOTERS	VOTER ED TARGETS	CIVIC ED TARGETS
5 – 8 am	20%	18%	19%
8 am – 12 Noon	33%	39%	35%
12 Noon – 5 pm	24%	25%	23%
5 pm – 9 pm	50%	46%	51%
9 pm – 11 pm	15%	13%	15%

Literacy

Can you read? (Q.18)

	ALL VOTERS	VOTER ED TARGETS	CIVIC ED TARGETS
Yes	50%	36%	38%
A little bit	28%	32%	32%
No	22%	32%	30%

Frequency of Reading Newspapers

How many days a week do you read a newspaper? (Q.19)

	ALL VOTERS	VOTER ED TARGETS	CIVIC ED TARGETS
Every day/almost every day	4%	2%	2%
At least once a week	14%	11%	11%
Less than once a week	20%	19%	17%
Never	62%	68%	70%
Don’t know	1%	0%	0%

Base: 784

Newspapers Read

Which newspaper do you read the most often? (Q.20)

(Mentioned by 3% or more of respondents who read newspapers

	ALL VOTERS	VOTER ED TARGETS	CIVIC ED TARGETS
Raksmei Kampuchea	59%	55%	60%
Koh Santepheap	26%	32%	25%
Manasika Khmer	3%	1%	1%

Base 297: (weighted)

Appendix II

Target Group Demographics

Target Group Demographics I

	ALL VOTERS	VOTER ED TARGETS	CIVIC ED TARGETS
GENDER
Male	45%	15%	28%
Female	55%	85%	72%
AGE
Under 25	21%	39%	32%
25 – 34	29%	20%	22%
35 – 49	28%	24%	25%
50 – 64	16%	14%	15%
65 & over	6%	5%	6%

	ALL VOTERS	VOTER ED TARGETS	CIVIC ED TARGETS
MARITAL STATUS
Single	13%	19%	16%
Married	87%	81%	84%
EDUCATION
None	20%	29%	27%
Primary School	48%	51%	51%
Secondary School	30%	19%	21%
University	1%	0%	0%

Target Group Demographics II

OCCUPATION	ALL VOTERS	VOTER ED TARGETS	CIVIC ED TARGETS
Farmer (own land)	70%	75%	76%
Laborer domestic	3%	2%	2%
Small business owner	2%	3%	3%
Farmer laborer	1%	1%	1%
Skilled worker	3%	2%	2%
Sales/office worker	3%	2%	1%
Informal sales	12%	12%	12%
Other	6%	2%	3%

	ALL VOTERS	VOTER ED TARGETS	CIVIC ED TARGETS
ECONOMIC ACTIVITY
Working	86%	79%	84%
Housewife	8%	15%	10%
Retired	1%	1%	1%
Student	2%	2%	2%
Unemployed	3%	3%	3%
INCOME PER MONTH
Under $50	80%	79%	82%
$50 to $100	9%	9%	8%
$100 to $150	1%	2%	1%
Over $150	2%	2%	1%

Target Group Demographics III

Area Type	ALL VOTERS	VOTER ED TARGETS	CIVIC ED TARGETS
City 1 Mill	8%	9%	5%
City 250k – 1 Mill	3%	4%	3%
City 50k – 250k	7%	7%	5%
Urban <50k	19%	20%	13%
Rural	81%	80%	87%
Region
Northeast	5%	5%	7%
Northwest	18%	17%	18%
Southwest	16%	14%	16%
Central	33%	35%	32%
Southeast	27%	28%	28%

Appendix III

Frequency Questionnaire

Cambodia Local Election Voter Education Study

Phase II: Survey Questionnaire

Summary of Results: 1006 Respondents (Weighted)

Interviewing Dates: July 6 – August 10, 2000

INITIAL SCREEN: RESPONDENTS MUST BE CAMBODIAN CITIZENS OVER 18

INTRODUCTION: I would like to ask you some questions about the lives and concerns of Cambodians today. I work for the Center for Advanced Studies, a private research center that is not part of the government and not working for it. Your answers will be confidential; no one will find out what you say. There are no right or wrong answers; we just want to find out your opinion, so you can say whatever you like.

I. DEMOGRAPHICS
56.1. Are you now working to earn money, a housewife, retired, a student, or looking for work?
	Cen	NW	NE	SW	SE	Cam
Working	82	79	93	93	93	86%
Housewife	14	8	3	4	4	8%
Unemployed	1	7	4	1	2	3%
Retired	2	5	0	1	0	2%
Student	1	2	0	2	1	2%
Other (specify)	0	0	0	0	0	0%

	Cen	NW	NE	SW	SE	Cam
57.2. IF WORKING: What is your main occupation? Asked of 863 respondents who are currently working:
Farmer (own land) / tenant farmer	60	72	57	73	80	70%
Informal sales / business / market trader	14	10	13	11	9	12%
Professional or technical	7	3	4	4	3	4%
Laborer, domestic, unskilled worker	4	2	4	3	2	3%
Skilled worker/artisan	3	1	6	3	2	3%
Sales or office worker	6	2	0	2	1	3%
Small business owner	2	5	7	1	1	2%
Farm laborer (other’s land)	1	3	0	1	1	1%
Executive or managerial	1	0	0	1	0	1%
Military / Police	1	2	9	1	0	1%
Fishing and catching wild animals	0	0	0	0	1	0%
Herborist	1	0	0	0	0	0%
Don’t know / no response	0	0	0	0	0	0%
58.3. IF FARMING OR RENTING OWN LAND: How much land do you farm? Asked of 602 respondents who farm or rent own land:
Under 100 square meters/1 are	21	5	0	17	19	17%
200 - 1000 square meters/2-10 are	21	23	10	22	20	21%
Over 1000 square meters/10 are	58	72	90	61	61	62%
59.4. If you think about your family income per month which of these categories does it fit into? Asked of all:
0 to 50 $	79	73	88	82	84	80%
50 to 100$	10	8	10	6	9	9%
100 to 150$	2	2	0	1	1	1%
150 to 200$	1	1	0	1	0	1%
200$+	3	1	0	1	0	1%
Don’t know / refused to say	5	15	2	9	6	8%
9.5. How old are you?
Under 25	11	10	9	11	14	21%
Under 25	29	26	22	25	29	29%
35-49	35	40	49	40	39	28%
50+	25	24	20	24	18	21%
60.6. What is your religion?
Buddhist	97	98	100	99	97	98%
Islam	2	1	0	1	1	1%
Christian	0	1	0	0	1	1%
Hindu	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Traditional beliefs	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Confucianism	0	0	0	0	1	0%
None / Atheist						0%
Don’t know / refused						0%
62.7. How many times a month do you go to religious services at a pagoda or temple (IF BUDDHIST OR HINDU)? IF MOSLEM: How many times a month do you go to religious services at a mosque? IF CHRISTIAN: How many times a month do you go to religious services at a church? Asked of 1004 Buddhists, Hindus, Moslems and Christians:
Every day	1	1	2	2	1	1%
Once a week or more	17	11	16	19	14	15%
At least twice a month	17	18	21	24	16	17%
At least once a month	13	13	7	12	9	11%
Less than once a month	42	43	44	35	50	45%
Never	10	14	10	8	10	11%
Don’t know / refused	0	0	0	0	0	0%
II. MEDIA EXPOSURE AND INFORMATION SOURCES
4.8. How many days a week do you watch TV? Asked of all:
Every day or almost every day	50	38	10	42	49	44%
Three or four days a week	9	11	4	11	10	10%
One or two days a week	12	8	9	12	9	11%
Less than once a week	9	18	5	10	7	10%
Never	20	25	72	25	25	26%
Don’t know / no response	0	0	0	0	0	0%
4.9. Which TV Station do you watch most often? Asked of 748 respondents who watch TV:
TV5 Royal Army	23	73	6	33	30	35%
National TV	21	11	13	23	22	20%
TV9 Khmer	25	0	6	20	25	19%
TV3 Phnom Penh	19	2	0	5	5	10%
Bayon	4	9	62	2	7	7%
TV11 Apsara	4	1	0	10	7	5%
Sihanoukville TV	0	0	0	3	0	1%
Battambang TV	0	1	0	0	0	0%
Pursat TV	0	0	0	2	0	0%
Thai TV / Thai Channel 7	0	1	0	0	0	0%
CNN	1	0	0	0	0	0%
Chinese Channel	0	0	0	0	1	0%
I don’t remember the name of TV	3	2	13	2	3	3%
4.10. Which type of program is your favorite? (TWO RESPONSES ALLOWED) Asked of 748 respondents who watch TV:
Entertainment / Film	73	79	87	78	74	78%
Information	54	49	75	66	55	53%
Super Game	19	10	19	17	18	18%
Sports	16	22	13	8	20	15%
General knowledge	15	13	6	16	11	14%
Program for children	3	2	0	0	2	3%
Education	2	1	0	2	0	1%
Not interested	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Don’t know	0	0	0	0	0	0%
4.11. What time of day do you watch TV (ONE OR TWO RESPONSES ALLOWED) Asked of 748 respondents who watch TV:
5 - 8 am	0	0	0	0	0	0%
8 am - 12 noon	5	6	0	5	4	5%
12 noon - 5 pm	19	9	0	12	17	15%
5 - 9 pm	88	82	72	92	88	89%
9-11 pm	16	23	37	17	9	15%
Don’t know	0	0	0	0	0	0%
4.12. How many days a week do you listen to the radio? Asked of all:
Every day or almost every day	41	27	38	37	38	36%
Three or four days a week	8	6	5	7	8	8%
One or two days a week	9	6	2	7	7	7%
Less than once a week	6	10	3	7	4	6%
Never	36	51	52	42	43	43%
Don’t know / no response	0	0	0	0	0	0%
4.13. Which radio station do you listen to most often? Asked of 570 respondents who listen to the radio:
FM103	35	2	3	19	32	25%
National radio	17	16	43	37	23	22%
FM 95 Mz / Bayon (FM 95)	9	35	28	20	27	22%
FM105	18	0	0	3	5	8%
FM 97 Apsara	5	3	0	7	3	5%
FM98 Army Radio Station	3	15	0	5	2	5%
VOA (Voice of America)	1	6	4	1	2	2%
Battambang Radio	0	14	0	0	0	2%
FM 99 Mz	4	0	0	4	1	2%
Liberal Asia	1	1	19	0	0	1%
FM 107 Mz	2	0	0	0	0	1%
Siem Reap Radio	0	6	0	0	0	1%
FM 92 Mz	0	0	0	0	1	1%
FM 94 Mz	0	0	0	1	0	0%
FM 96 Mz	1	0	0	0	0	0%
I do not remember the name of radio station	4	2	3	3	4	4%
4.14. Which type of program is your favorite? (TWO RESPONSES ALLOWED) Asked of 570 respondents who listen to the radio:
Entertainment	68	68	65	84	77	70%
Information	74	68	86	71	71	64%
General knowledge	40	47	39	34	39	34%
Game	10	10	8	6	3	7%
Education	5	3	0	2	4	3%
Program for children	2	0	0	1	1	1%
Sports	1	1	0	1	2	1%
Buddhist preaching	2	1	0	2	2	1%
Agriculture	0	0	4	1	1	0%
Don’t know	0	0	0	0	0	0%
No differences	1	1	0	0	0	0%
4.15. What time of day do you listen to the radio? (ONE OR TWO RESPONSES ALLOWED) Asked of 570 respondents who listen to the radio:
5 - 8 am	22	24	25	14	23	20%
8 am - 12 noon	34	22	22	25	30	33%
12 noon - 5 pm	20	30	25	28	27	24%
5 - 9 pm	49	49	68	64	42	50%
9-11 pm	13	11	29	20	13	15%
Don’t know	0	0	0	0	0	0%
53.16. How do you normally get information about what is happening in the country? Asked of all:
TV	36	24	12	32	38	32%
Radio	30	24	36	33	28	29%
Friends and family and neighbors	19	32	36	18	13	22 %
Newspapers	7	1	21	1	1	3%
Village chief	2	4	3	3	3	2%
Commune chief	0	2	0	0	0	0%
Religious leader	0	0	0	1	0	0%
Organization	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Group chief	1	0	0	1	0	0%
Office	0	1	0	0	0	0%
I never know what is happening in our country	2	2	2	0	0	0%
Don’t know / refused	5	13	9	12	17	11%
53.17. How have you gotten information about registering and voting for elections?
Village chief	47	50	45	46	48	48%
Radio	13	9	21	15	13	13%
TV	13	7	3	15	14	12%
Commune chief	9	10	7	6	5	7%
Friends and family and neighbors	5	11	3	8	4	6%
Organization	3	2	9	4	1	2%
Newspapers	2	0	20	0	0	1%
Group chief	2	0	0	2	1	1%
Political party	1	1	0	0	1	1%
Religious leader	0	1	0	1	0	0%
Head of the election organizer/ election commission /	1	0	0	1	0
Electoral campaign	0	0	0	0	0	0%
NEC	0	1	0	0	0	0%
Office	0	0	0	0	1	0%
UNTAC	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Voter Education Commission	0	0	0	0	1	0%
Don’t know / refused	5	10	10	3	10	8%
10.18. Can you read?
Yes	54	38	53	52	51	50%
A little bit	24	35	24	24	29	28%
No	22	26	22	22	19	22%
Don’t know / no response	0	0	0	0	0	0%
7.19. IF ABLE TO READ: How many days a week do you read a newspaper? Asked of 784 respondents who can read:
Every day or almost every day	8	2	7	2	0	4%
Three or four days a week	7	4	11	2	2	4%
One or two days a week	12	7	7	5	10	10%
Less than once a week	23	20	16	29	15	20%
Never	48	66	60	61	72	62%
Don’t know / no response	2	0	0	0	0	1%
7.20. IF READ NEWSPAPER: Which newspaper do you read most often? Asked of 297 respondents who read newspapers:
Raksmey Kampuchea	54	76	56	60	57	59%
Koh Santepheap	31	2	11	32	31	25%
Manasikhmer	2	7	17	0	6	3%
Uddam Keate Khmer	2	0	6	0	4	2%
Popular Review	0	0	6	2	0	1%
Samleng Yuvachun Khmer (Khmer Youth's Voice)	1	0	0	0	0	1%
Cambodia Daily	2	0	0	0	0	1%
Human rights newsletter	0	0	6	0	0	0%
Sochivathoa	0	0	0	0	2	0%
Youth	1	0	0	0	0	0%
Chakraval	0	2	0	0	0	0%
No differences, because I borrow from other people	0	0	0	0	0	0%
I don’t know the newspaper name	6	3	0	6	0	7%
10.21. What is the highest level of school you completed? Asked of all:
Never went to school	19	25	26	21	16	20%
Primary School, incomplete	35	41	29	36	44	38%
Primary School, complete	8	12	10	8	17	11%
Lower secondary school	22	21	12	23	15	20%
Higher secondary school	12	9	7	10	7	10%
Technical vocational/training/ teacher school	2	3	5	2	1	2%
University	2	1	0	0	1	1%
Don’t know / no response	1	1	0	1	0	0%
63.22. Here is a list of organizations. As I mention each, please tell me if you belong to it. (MULTIPLE RESPONSES PERMITTED).
Death association	8	7	2	10	6	7%
Kitchen supplies/Pot association	6	5	0	2	3	4%
Students’ parents association	5	6	3	3	3	4%
Water supply association	2	7	2	2	5	4%
Farmer association	2	5	7	5	7	4%
Elderly association	1	5	2	4	3	3%
Women association	4	4	0	3	3	3%
Youth association	3	3	2	2	2	2%
Construction association	3	7	0	0	3	2%
Teacher association	2	4	2	3	2	2%
Student association	1	1	2	1	0	1%
Non-religious charity group	1	4	0	0	0	1%
Trade association	1	2	0	1	1	1%
Writer / Journalist association	0	1	2	2	0	1%
Others	3	1	2	2	3	2%
None						76%
III. LOCAL GOVERNMENT AND COMMUNAL ELECTION AWARENESS
26.23. Now I’m going to ask you a few questions about the local commune government. Tell me, whose decisions affect your life more: the national government in Phnom Penh, or the communal government in this town or village?
National government	21	14	16	10	19	16%
Local government	47	54	40	52	49	50%
Both equally	10	13	19	15	8	11%
Don’t know	22	19	26	22	24	23%
26.24. Different people have different ideas about what commune governments actually do. How about you? What do you think commune governments do or control?
Maintain / build roads	22	25	22	29	32	26%
Resolve disputes/mediate conflicts	25	11	19	33	24	24%
Maintain law and order / maintain security /	18	11	19	30	17
Solve problems / receive complaints	15	2	17	21	10	12%
Maintain / build schools	0	5	12	11	10	9%
Organize agricultural activity / dam repairs	7	17	5	10	9	9%
Help – general / improve our lives	11	8	2	11	4	8%
Corrupt / take money / steal money / demand money	7	4	7	7	9	7%
Provide health services / education / fight AIDS	2	1	14	6	6	5%
Give construction permits / allow building / build pagodas	4	3	9	7	5	5%
Help in crisis / feed the hungry / help in emergencies	4	5	14	6	5	5%
Nepotism	0	0	0	2	0	3%
I have never seen what the commune authority did in my commune / see nothing	2	2	5	2	4	3%
Do not solve problem for people / not take care about people's problem / no help	3	1	0	3	3	3%
Oppressors / repressive	1	1	0	2	2	2%
Serve people / inform people / make a report	2	1	0	1	2	2%
Collect taxes	1	0	0	1	1	1%
Protect forests / control logging	1	2	2	1	1	1%
Traditional ceremonies	0	0	0	2	0	1%
Partisan / serve one political party	2	0	2	1	2	1%
Call people for a meeting (inform new plan, about election, participate in repairing dam)	2	1	2	1	2	1%
Not so active / commune authority is passive / is weak / nothing important	1	0	2	1	1	1%
Lead people	0	3	0	1	0	1%
Development (build ponds, dig well, renovating building)	1	2	0	1	1	1%
Commune authority build rice store for people in the village	0	2	0	0	0	0%
Inform the Circular from Phnom Penh	0	0	0	0	0	0%
They do as before [not specify]	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Don’t know	25	29	22	18	21	25%
18.25. Here are some different ways people think about the communal government. The first is that the people and communal government should be equals, and government should listen to the people’s criticism. The second is that the communal government should be like a father and the people are like a child he must look after. The third is that the communal government is like a boss and the people are like a worker who must obey. Which of these is closest to your view of what the government should be?
First view – government and people are equal	28	31	26	29	24	27%
Second view -- government is father	54	58	60	52	58	56%
Third view – government is boss	11	8	12	13	13	11%
Don’t know, not sure	8	3	2	6	5	6%
27.26. Have you heard anything about communal elections coming?
Yes	67	51	55	63	57	57%
No	29	45	43	36	42	40%
Don’t know/ refused	4	4	2	2	1	3%
27.27. The press has reported that local elections to choose commune councils are planned. I don’t want to know whom you will vote for. But tell me: Do you think you will vote in this election?
Yes	97	96	95	98	97	97%
No	2	2	5	2	2	2%
Don’t know	1	2	0	0	1	1%
28.28. What is the most important reason why you want to vote? Asked of 970 respondents who said they will vote:
To choose leaders / to participate / it’s my right/ chance to choose / new commune or village chief	43	50	15	42	29	39%
End corruption / honest leaders	18	14	20	14	27	20%
Because the authorities tell me to / I will be ordered to/ have to do so	9	6	23	12	10	11%
Civic duty / duty as citizen / democratic obligation	9	7	12	13	11	10%
Freedom / equal rights / democracy / majority rule	2	6	11	0	2	5%
Because everyone does / social pressure / we always do	6	3	2	1	4	4%
For peace, not to have conflict / peace for next generation	2	4	0	2	6	4%
Better roads / schools / housing / health care / pagodas/ other material benefits	2	2	2	2	1	2%
Vote may make a difference / this election will be different	2	2	2	0	2	1%
Commune chief pays attention to people’s living conditions / play role as parents	0	1	7	0	1	1%
I want happiness / good life	1	0	2	1	1	1%
For the country and nation	1	0	0	1	0	0%
Don’t know	1	4	2	1	2	2%
29.29. What is the most important reason why you may not vote? Asked of 35 respondents who said they will not vote:
Personal reasons: too old, sick, against my religion, etc.	9	25	0	75	0	15%
Not interested in politics / elections	9	12	0	0	22	15%
No time / too busy working / farming / etc	9	38	33	0	0	13%
Don’t know how the elections will work	0	0	0	25	11	8%
Don’t know enough about the parties / candidates	18	0	0	0	11	7%
Don’t support any party / candidate	18	0	0	0	0	7%
My vote won’t make a difference / election	0	0	33	0	11	6%
Won’t make a difference because old and new will be the same	9	0	0	0	0	6%
Don’t understand politics	0	12	33	0	0	5%
Cheating on counting process	9	0	0	0	11	5%
I will follow other people, if they go I will go to vote	0	12	0	0	0	2%
No one told me yet	0	0	0	0	11	2%
Fear of violence / intimidation	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Protest / boycott /	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Don’t know	0	0	0	0	22	10%
30.30. Do you think that voting in the communal election will make a big difference, some difference, little difference, or no difference at all? Asked of all:
Big difference	15	18	16	14	18	16%
Big/some difference	32	37	33	34	29	33%
Some difference	17	19	17	20	11	17%
Little difference	12/	13/	2/	13/	13/	12%
Little/no difference	27	31	11	23	28	26%
No difference at all	15	18	9	10	15	14%
Don’t know	42	12	57	43	43	42%
30.31. What is the most important thing you expect to change? Asked of 323 respondents who said that voting will make a difference:
Leaders / council / chief	28	22	26	31	27	28%
Fairer / better conflict resolution	22	9	16	16	12	15%
Better – generally	16	13	21	7	22	15%
Better roads	12	13	5	16	8	11%
More help in crises / emergencies / for poor / with rice	9	13	21	9	16	10%
Less corruption	5	15	11	31	27	6%
Better schools	3	6	0	4	3	3%
Development in agricultural	0	7	0	0	0	2%
We will have the irrigation system / have well	0	0	0	4	0	1%
Development – general	1	0	0	0	0	1%
I know that, but I go not want to tell you	0	0	0	0	1	0%
People is more recognize	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Don’t know	3	10	0	9	12	7%
30.32. How long after the election will this take to happen?
Immediately to within a month	4	4	32	7	6	5%
A month to within a year	38	22	0	51	30	36%
One to two years	28	28	5	9	31	24%
Three to five years	9	15	32	16	8	13%
Five to ten years	0	0	5	2	5	2%
More than ten years	2	3	0	0	0	2%
Don’t know	19	22	26	16	19	20%
54.33. Do you think you need more information about how the communal election will work? Asked of all:
Yes	89	95	95	90	95	92%
No	7	3	3	8	4	6%
Don’t know	4	2	2	2	1	2%
54.34. I’m going to read you some information sources. For each, tell me if you’d like to get information about how the communal election will work from that source.
Village Chief	75	69	64	71	77	74%
TV	80	62	36	71	77	73%
A house visit from a non-partisan voter education group	72	58	57	74	79	72%
Commune chiefs	72	67	57	66	75	71%
Group leaders	69	68	48	69	76	70%
Radio	74	53	50	68	72	68%
A public meeting	63	59	59	65	71	65%
Friends or family members	62	41	31	55	67	58%
Plays performed in your area	56	36	22	53	68	56%
Songs / concert	51	31	21	54	66	52%
TV drama	52	30	12	50	64	50%
Religious organizations, monks, or achaa	47	41	29	49	59	49%
Neighborhood civic groups	50	29	29	42	55	46%
A woman neighbor	49	34	21	36	51	44%
A comic book	40	33	36	39	49	41%
Newspapers	46	27	26	36	40	38%
No response	3	2	2	3	1	2%
54.35. Many people are not sure who will organize and run the local elections. Do you happen to know who will organize and run the election in your commune? IF YES: Who?
No	75	74	84	81	85	79%
Yes: Royal / national government	10	14	10	10	8	10%
Yes: village official	4	4	0	0	3	3%
Yes: commune official	3	5	2	2	2	3%
Yes : NEC	4	1	2	3	1	2%
Yes: UNTAC	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Yes: Different parties / political party / three main political party	0	1	0	1	0	0%
Yes: National assembly	1	0	0	0	0	0%
Yes: NGO	1	0	0	0	1	0%
Yes: International organizations	1	0	0	0	0	0%
Yes: District chief	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Yes: By society	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Yes: Local election commission	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Yes: Provincial officials	0	0	0	1	0	0%
Yes: The authorities - not specific	0	0	0	0	0	0%
No response	2	2	2	3	1	2%
46.36. Many people are not sure how the voting will work. Do you happen to know whether people will vote for parties or individuals when they choose a council or group of people to head the commune?
For parties	18	29	17	15	24	21%
For individuals	31	36	52	31	24	32%
Don’t know	51	34	31	54	52	47%
28.37. Here are two ideas on how they should vote: · Voting for individuals / Individuals who may or may not belong to a party · Voting for party lists / Lists of people who belong to a party Which would you prefer, the first idea or the second?
The first idea, voting for individuals	59	49	69	60	54	56%
The second idea, voting for party lists	27	31	16	24	32	28%
Don’t know / no response	14	20	16	16	13	15%
54.38. Many people are not sure how the commune chief will be chosen. Do you happen to know how the commune chief will be selected?
Elected by the voters	15	30	20	14	20	18%
Leader of the largest party	1	2	2	2	1	2%
By the council	2	2	0	2	1	1%
Election organization	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Provincial authority	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Based on their knowledge	1	0	0	0	0	0%
By people	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Chief of village	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Don’t know	81	65	78	81	78	78%
30.39. Here are three ideas on how to select the commune chief: · The commune chief should be chosen by the commune council members · The commune chief should be the leader of the largest party on the commune council · The commune chief should be elected by the voters Which would you prefer, the first idea, the second, or the third?
The first idea, chosen by council members	8	6	9	7	10	8%
The second idea, leader of the largest party	6	7	5	2	7	7%
The third idea, elected by the voters	79	77	79	86	77	79%
Don’t know / no response	7	10	7	5	6	7%
IV. REGISTRATION
37.40. Have you heard anything about people needing to register themselves to vote in the communal elections next year?
Yes	34	29	29	26	26	29%
No	52	65	69	58	66	61%
Don’t know	14	6	2	16	8	10%
38.41. Many people are not sure who will have to register. Do you happen to have an idea of who will have to register? (MULTIPLE RESPONSES ALLOWED) Asked of 287 respondents who heard about people needing to register:
Everybody / all residents of the commune	0	14	17	13	7	42%
People who turned 18 since the last election	15	8	0	9	15	41%
People who moved since the last election	1	1	5	1	0	2%
People of available age / legal age	0	0	2	0	1	2%
Khmer nationality	1	0	0	0	0	1%
People from 16 years old	0	0	0	0	0	1%
Most people / Cambodian people / civilian people	0	0	0	0	0	1%
People over 15 years old	0	0	0	0	0	1%
All except for armed people (Army and police)	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Head of the family	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Don’t know	4	6	7	3	3	16%
40.42. Have you changed your address / moved since the 1998 election?
Yes	10	9	5	9	9	10%
No	90	91	95	91	91	90%
Don’t know / refused	0	0	0	0	0	0%
V. ELECTION FAIRNESS AND LAWS
31.43. Some people think the communal election will be free and fair in your area, some think it will not be free and fair, and some are not sure. How about you? Which of these opinions do you agree with?
Free and fair	42	55	38	48	38	45%
Not free and fair	6	5	3	2	4	4%
Not sure / maybe / don’t know	52	40	59	50	58	51%
31.44. I’m going to mention some problems that can happen in elections. For each one, tell me if you think it is possible here in the communal election next year. Think it is possible here next year
News media bias favoring a party	35	16	10	33	34	30%
Gifts or payments for votes	24	16	16	22	25	23%
Violence against party activists or voters	18	10	16	14	11	14%
Cheating in vote counting	17	8	7	11	13	13%
People being forced to pledge to vote for a party	14	8	17	9	10	11%
Threats from officials to make residents vote for a party	13	8	5	5	10	10%
Finding out how people voted without their saying	11	4	7	10	12	9%
People being forced to join a party and vote for it	12	8	9	8	7	9%
Residents not being allowed to register	5	4	3	5	3	4%
None of these possible	34	58	64	44	36	42%
No response	12	7	5	8	11	10%
35.45. If one of these problems happens in your area in the election, do you know to whom you could complain?
Yes	40	36	31	46	36	38%
No	56	60	69	53	58	59%
Don’t know / refused	4	4	0	1	6	4%
36.46. IF YES: To whom would you complain? Asked of 380 respondents who said they knew to whom they could complain:
Village chief / government	39	30	28	36	33	36%
Commune chief / government	20	21	17	18	23	22%
Monitors / observers / NGOs / COMFREL / etc.	8	12	11	12	11	10%
National government	6	6	0	5	14	8%
NEC	13	8	6	4	7	8%
Local election committee	5	9	17	10	7	7%
Police	7	9	17	8	3	6%
Group chief	0	0	0	0	0	1%
News media	1	5	0	1	0	1%
Human rights organization	1	0	4	4	0	1%
National assembly	0	0	0	1	1	1%
Political party	0	0	0	0	0	0%
The king	0	0	0	0	1	0%
31.47. If someone is forced to join a party, do you believe they must vote for it? Asked of all:
Yes, they must vote for it	14	17	16	8	10	12%
No, they do not have to vote for it	72	68	76	73	73	72%
Don’t know / maybe / not sure	14	15	9	20	7	16%
40.48. If someone is forced to pledge to vote for a party, do you believe they must vote for it?
Yes, they must vote for it	12	15	16	6	11	12%
No, they do not have to vote for it	73	71	76	71	74	72%
Don’t know / maybe / not sure	15	14	8	23	15	17%
40.49. If someone is paid to vote for a party, do you believe they must vote for it?
Yes, they must vote for it	18	22	19	14	19	19%
No, they do not have to vote for it	65	61	69	66	66	65%
Don’t know / maybe / not sure	17	17	12	20	15	16%
31.50. Now I’d like to ask again: some people think the communal election will be free and fair in your area, some think it will not be free and fair, and some are not sure. How about you? Which of these opinions do you agree with?
Free and fair	44	51	38	49	47	46%
Not free and fair	9	13	7	6	7	8%
Not sure / maybe / don’t know	49	36	55	45	46	46%
31.51. Some people think there will be no cheating in the way the election is run, some think there can be cheating, and some people are not sure. Which of these opinions do you agree with?
No cheating	34	49	34	39	33	37%
Cheating can happen	12	11	11	7	17	12%
Not sure / don’t know	54	40	55	54	50	51%
42.52. Here are two ideas on how to run the election. · One party appoints most of the officials who organize and run the elections · All the parties appoint the officials who organize and run the elections Which do you prefer, the first idea or the second?
First idea, one party appoints most officials	16	20	12	13	20	18%
Second idea, all the parties appoint officials	74	66	76	81	70	72%
Don’t know / no response	10	14	12	6	10	10%
46.53. Now suppose that the second idea becomes law, so that all the parties appoint the officials who organize and run the elections. Would this give you much more, somewhat more, a little more, or no more confidence that the elections will be free and fair?
Much more confidence51%	52	49	57	52	50	51%
Much/somewhat more						75%
Somewhat more confidence	22	31	22	29	17	24%
A little more confidence	6	7	7	2	8	6%
A little/no more						13%
No more confidence	7	5	10	5	8	7%
Don’t know	14	8	3	11	16	12%
46.54. Have you heard whether there will be non-partisan groups to observe and monitor the elections?
Yes, there will be observers	42	35	50	43	34	38%
No, I have not heard of observers	42	37	41	39	46	43%
Don’t know	16	28	9	18	20	19%
46.55. Suppose you saw a non-partisan monitor watching when you go to vote. Would this give you much more, somewhat more, a little more, or no more confidence that the elections will be free and fair?
Much more confidence	45	46	55	51	51	47%
Much/somewhat more						71%
Somewhat more confidence	19	29	24	31	17	24%
A little more confidence	9	4	7	5	8	7%
A little more/no more						17%
No more confidence	12	9	7	6	10	10%
Don’t know	13	13	7	8	14	12%
52.56. Now suppose both these things happen: all parties appoint the officials who organize and run the election, and you see a non-partisan monitor watching when you go to vote. Some people think the communal election in your area will be free and fair, some think it will not be free and fair, and some are not sure. How about you? Which of these opinions do you agree with?
Free and fair	58	64	53	68	65	62%
Not free and fair	8	4	7	2	4	5%
Not sure / maybe / don’t know	34	32	40	29	31	33%
19.57. And supposing both those things happen: some people think there will be no cheating in the way the election is run, some think there can be cheating, and some people are not sure. Which of these opinions do you agree with?
No cheating	47	55	50	57	45	49%
Cheating can happen	16	10	12	4	15	13%
Not sure / don’t know	38	35	38	39	40	39%
V. GENDER, TOLERANCE, AND DEMOCRACY
Now I’d like to ask about something else. 19.58. Do you think that commune council members should be mostly men, or do you think that women should be just as active as men in commune councils?
Mostly for men	55	64	60	57	60	59%
Women just as active	41	29	36	35	34	36%
Don’t know	4	7	4	8	6	5%
70.59. IF MOSTLY FOR MEN ON Q.58: Why do you say that? (Open End with Pre-codes) Asked of 588 respondents who said commune council members should be mostly men:
Men know more, more intelligent, better educated, better at politics, better managers, more dynamic, women ignorant of politics, know less, can’t do things	57	60	77	77	58	63%
Family / home responsibilities / women’s place is home	13	16	6	8	12	14%
Commune controls militia, police / security	9	6	11	6	11	8%
Women are more emotional, irrational, excitable, men are calmer / inappropriate for women	2	3	3	0	4	3%
Because from long time only men / I have seen only men	3	3	0	0	4	3%
Man is stronger than woman (brave, psychologically, for serious / heavy work)	4	1	3	3	1	3%
Religious teachings	1	0	0	0	1	1%
Man could work at night, woman couldn't	2	1	0	0	3	1%
Politics are natural / appropriate for men	1	0	0	1	0	0%
Woman must take care of children	1	0	0	1	0	0%
Men have enough free time	0	1	0	0	1	0%
Don’t know	3	4	0	3	4	4%
19.60. Ask all: Do you think a woman should make her own choice for voting, or do you think men should advise her on her choice? Asked of all:
Make her own choice	74	59	66	74	68	69%
Men should advise her	25	37	29	24	30	29%
Don’t know	1	3	5	2	2	3%
19.61. Do you think a woman could be a good commune leader?
Yes	90	84	86	87	85	86%
No	6	8	9	8	9	8%
Don’t know	4	9	5	5	6	6%
19.62.Do you think that immigrants should be allowed to vote in the local elections?
Yes	17	17	16	18	14	16%
No	70	63	78	65	69	68%
Don’t know	13	20	7	16	16	16%
52.63. Do you think that all political parties, even the ones most people do not like, should be allowed to hold meetings in your area?
Yes	68	55	71	71	66	64%
No	21	32	21	18	26	23%
Don’t know	12	13	9	10	12	12%
53.64. Suppose a friend of yours supported a party that most people did not like. Would you accept that, or would it end your friendship?
Would accept it	31	29	31	35	23	28%
Would end friendship	55	54	67	46	68	58%
Don’t know / Not sure	14	18	2	19	10	13%
A lot of people in Cambodia today are talking about democracy. Asked of 497 respondents in a split sample: 17.65. If a country is called a democracy, what does that mean to you? PROBE: Anything else?
Equality/equal rights/equal in law	6	10	26	14	8	9%
Freedom – general	3	3	13	13	9	7%
People have their voice heard	3	7	6	13	5	6%
Freedom / right to speak / to express opinions / ideas	5	1	0	9	6	5%
People sovereignty / people have power to do what they want / people have rights	6	5	0	1	8	4%
Freedom to vote / choose their representative in National Assembly / choose leader	3	1	0	1	6	3%
Peace / stability / no oppression / no war / security	3	0	0	2	7	3%
The country move towards the right direction / make a progress	3	1	3	2	5	2%
Liberal country / liberalism	3	1	0	1	2	2%
Justice - general	2	3	0	0	2	2%
Bring people to have a better life / easier to earn for living / happiness	1	5	0	4	2	2%
Rule of law / law enforcement	2	2	0	0	3	1%
Freedom for travelling	0	0	0	1	0	1%
No exploitation	0	1	0	1	0	1%
Impartiality/independence/neutral	1	1	0	1	2	1%
It's a good idea / thinking - general	1	1	0	1	2	1%
Majority / follow the majority	0	2	0	1	0	1%
Involved in any activities / organizations	0	1	0	0	1	0%
National reconciliation	0	0	0	0	2	0%
Pluralism / multiparty / lead with hierarchy system	1	1	0	0	0	0%
Others	1	0	0	1	0	0%
Don't know / don't understand the word democracy	69	61	68	55	60	67%
Asked of 507 respondents in second half of split sample: 18.66. What, if anything, is the most important thing that democracy in Cambodia will bring you personally? PROBE: Anything else?
Freedom – general	20	12	30	18	20	17%
Equality / equal rights / respect other people's rights	12	11	19	10	13	12%
Better life than before / progress / development / prosperity	11	9	0	16	7	9%
No war/peace/stability/peaceful life/no oppression/reconciliation	8	7	4	13	9	8%
Build the infrastructure (schools, roads, pagodas, housings, bridges, wells, etc)	5	0	0	5	7	5%
Freedom for travelling	3	0	4	8	8	5%
Freedom / right to speak / to express opinions / ideas	4	5	11	8	3	5%
Easier to earn for living / business is better	6	0	0	8	7	5%
Freedom to earn for living / choosing jobs / business	5	0	4	5	5	4%
Freedom / right to vote / choose leader / representative	3	1	4	1	1	2%
Rule of law / law enforcement	2	4	0	0	2	2%
Justice - general	1	4	4	0	1	2%
Jobs / employment opportunity	3	0	4	5	1	2%
Helping poor people / distribute food	3	0	0	1	3	2%
Not established yet / not complete yet	0	2	1	0	0	2%
People have their voice heard	0	2	0	1	0	1%
Less tax and contribution						1%
Government / country pay attention to the people's problem	1	0	0	1	1	1%
Less crime (kidnapping,robbery, etc)	1	0	4	1	1	1%
Not forcing people to join the army	1	0	0	1	1	1%
No advantage / only anarchy / no good results	2	0	0	2	1	1%
People sovereignty / people have power	0	2	0	0	0	0%
Don't know / don't understand the word democracy	37	60	52	31	33	41%
Nothing / see nothing / nothing is given	4	3	0	4	8	5%
21.67. Since the 1993 election, have you ever contacted a local commune or national governmental official about some problems, issues, or matter of concern to you? Asked of all:
Yes, national government	3	2	5	1	1	2%
Yes, commune government	13	10	10	17	12	13%
Yes, both national and commune government	0	1	0	0	0	0%
No	82	87	84	82	85	84%
Don’t know / no response	1	1	0	0	2	1%
21.68. How much influence do you think someone like you can have over commune government decisions? A lot, some, very little or none at all?
A lot	5	9	7	2	10	7%
A lot/some	25	24	21	32	31	28%
Some	20	15	14	30	21	21%
Very little	26	25	19	17	25	24%
Very little/none at all	63	64	66	57	58	61%
None at all	37	39	47	40	33	37%
Don’t know / refused	12	12	14	11	10	12%
21.69. Have you ever worked as a volunteer for any political party or candidates, helping in their campaign or as a party agent in an election campaign in 1993 or 1998?
Yes	9	9	9	18	15	11%
No	89	88	89	60	81	86%
Don’t know / no response	2	3	2	2	3	3%
21.70. Could you ever imagine yourself running for commune council or some other public office in an election?
Yes	9	3	10	14	9	9%
No	89	94	88	85	90	89%
Don’t know	2	3	2	1	1	2%
21.71. How interested are you in politics? Very interested, somewhat interested, not very interested, or not interested at all?
Very interested	23	20	22	24	27	23%
Very/somewhat	52	48	48	50	55	50%
Somewhat interested	29	28	26	26	24	27%
Not very interested	13	12	5	17	10	12%
Not very/not at all	46	50	50	40	49	49%
Not interested at all	33	38	45	33	38	37%
Don’t know	2	2	2	1	1	2%
22.72. How often do you discuss politics with friends? Almost all the time, often, not very often, or almost never?
Almost all the time	4/	3/	5/	4/	3/	4%
Almost all the time/often	13	12	22	12	15	14%
Often	9	9	17	8	12	10%
Not very often	27	26	21	29	22	25%
Not very often/almost never	85	67	76	87	84	85%
Almost never / Never	58	61	55	58	62	60%
Don’t know	1	2	2	2	1	1%
23.73. Do people feel free to express their political opinions in the area where you live?
Yes	66	69	53	65	66	66%
No	20	18	24	21	20	20%
Don’t know	14	13	22	14	14	15%
25.74. Generally speaking, do you think that most people can be trusted?
Yes	29	45	40	29	30	32%
No	62	52	55	62	60	60%
Don’t know	9	3	5	9	10	8%
VI ATTITUDES TO THE 1998 ELECTIONS
32.75. Now think about the election two years ago, in 1998. Did you vote in 1998?
Yes	92	87	86	93	93	89%
No	8	13	12	7	7	11%
No response	0	0	2	0	0	0%
32.76. Did you think there was any way for someone to find out how you voted without your telling them?
Yes	8	3	3	9	9	7%
No	81	82	88	77	81	81%
Don’t know	11	15	9	14	10	12%
33.77. Did you think the 1998 election was/ were free and fair in your area, did you think it was not free and fair, or are you not sure?
Free and fair	58	63	57	60	59	59%
Not free and fair	12	14	19	11	15	13%
Don’t know / Not sure	30	23	24	29	26	28%
31.78. Some people think there was no cheating in the way the election was run, some think there was cheating, and some people are not sure. How about you? Which of these opinions do you agree with?
No cheating	40	53	60	48	39	44%
Cheating happened	20	19	17	13	18	18%
Don’t know / Not sure	40	28	22	39	43	39%
VII. MOOD
11.79. Generally speaking, do you think things in Cambodia today are going in the right direction, or do you think they are going in the wrong direction?
Right direction	68	83	78	72	74	72%
Wrong direction	15	7	14	8	10	11%
Don’t know	18	10	10	20	16	17%
11.80. Why do you say that? (TWO RESPONSES ALLOWED) POSITIVE (Asked of 727 respondents):
Economy recovering / getting better / development	50	53	47	50	49	49%
Improved schools / health care / social services	29	23	38	33	33	26%
Construction / reconstruction / new buildings / new pagodas	28	21	25	32	16	26%
Peace/war over/normalcy/travel	24	30	18	32	20	25%
Progress / General (positive)	17	7	5	13	12	13%
Democracy/political liberalization / many parties / freedom	10	12	18	13	17	12%
Better than under Pol Pot	8	6	9	10	15	9%
Government/rulers/leaders/ruling party	7	9	0	5	6	6%
A lot of investment / foreign investment	0	0	0	0	1	1%
Has NGO to help people / international assistance	1	0	0	1	0	1%
Eliminate the corruption and robbery	1	0	0	0	0	0%
Tourism increase	0	0	0	1	0	0%
Presence of good law/Help the poor	0	0	0	1	0	0%
Help people / poor people	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Justice / rule of law	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Don’t know	0	0	0	0	0	5%
NEGATIVE (Asked of 107 respondents):
Corruption	50	53	35	50	49	36%
Poverty / unemployment / lack of food, clothing / homelessness / begging / child laborers	33	33	7	84	46	33%
Economy getting worse	36	0	14	30	19	23%
Crime	34	8	7	38	15	21%
Repression / fear / lack of freedom	10	41	14	23	48	19%
Deforestation	14	0	21	15	23	13%
Underdevelopment / poor infrastructure	14	33	7	15	0	8%
Water shortages / problems	2	0	0	0	11	3%
Crisis / general negative	8	8	0	15	3	3%
Drugs	2	8	0	15	0	2%
Vietnamese's problem / immigrant's problem	4	0	0	0	0	2%
Conflict / violence / disputes / disorders	2	0	0	0	0	1%
Nepotism	0	0	0	0	3	1%
Local authority does not help people	2	0	0	0	3	1%
Unstable political situation	2	0	0	0	0	1%
AIDS / HIV	0	0	0	0	3	1%
Borders problem / disputes	0	0	0	0	0	0%
I do not know what will happen	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Gov't foreign debt	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Don’t know	0	0	0	0	0	1%
11.81. In your view, what is the biggest problem facing Cambodia? 11.81. And what is the next biggest problem? Asked of all: Q81 Q82
Poverty / unemployment / lack of food, clothing/ homelessness / begging / child laborers	41/ 3	54/2	62/2	42/2	40/2	44% 13%
Economy (general)	13/ 2	10/2	0/ 2	13/2	13/1	12% 3%
Crime	7/ 0	2/ 0	5/ 0	10/1	4/ 0	6% 7%
Water shortages / problems	3/ 0	1/ 1	3/ 0	2/ 1	6/ 1	3% 6%
Health care	2/ 7	4/ 8	0/ 14	2/ 5	2/ 6	3% 6%
Corruption	4/ 2	2/ 1	2/ 0	3/ 3	4/ 1	3% 5%
Underdevelopment / poor infrastructure	2/ 6	2/ 8	0/ 14	8/ 5	1/ 6	2% 7%
Opposition / political disputes / political rivalries / jealousy	2/ 2	1/ 5	5/ 3	4/ 2	2/ 1	2% 3%
Conflict / violence / disputes / disorders	0/ 2	3/ 3	0/ 2	1/ 2	2/ 1	2% 2%
Deforestation	3/ 1	0/ 3	5/ 0	1/ 1	1/ 1	2% 1%
HIV/AIDS	2/ 2	2/ 1	0/ 0	1/ 1	2/ 1	2% 1%
Education / schools	2/ 1	1/ 1	2/ 2	2/ 1	0/ 0	1% 2%
Repression / fear / lack of freedom	1/ 2	2/ 1	0/ 0	0/ 1	0/ 1	1% 2%
Drugs	1/ 1	0/ 1	0/ 2	1/ 2	0/ 1	1% 1%
Flood / catastrophe	1/ 1	0/ 1	0/ 2	0/ 2	1/ 1	1% 1%
Problem of immigration/ Border's problem	2/ 1	0/ 0	0/ 0	2/ 1	3/ 1	1% 1%
Government / rulers / leaders / ruling party	2/ 1	0/ 1	2/ 2	0/ 1	1/ 0	0% 1%
Housing shortages	0/ 1	0/ 3	0/ 0	0/ 1	0/ 1	0% 1%
Crisis / general negative	0/ 2	1/ 1	0/ 0	0/ 3	0/ 1	0% 1%
A lot of land mine fields	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 1	0/ 0	0% 0%
War	1/ 0	1/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0% 0%
Lack of rice field / land issue	0/ 1	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0% 0%
The court is not fair	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0% 0%
Trafficking women	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0% 0%
Prostitution	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0% 0%
Less export for agricultural	0/ 0	0/ 1	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0% 0%
Culture intervention	0/ 0	1/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0% 0%
Foreign exchange / foreign currency used	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0% 0%
No problem	1/ 1	1/ 1	2/ 0	0/ 1	2/ 1	1% 1%
Don't know	13/ 16	14/ 8	10/ 9	15/ 12	12/ 15	13% 35%
14.82. How confident are you of a happy future for Cambodia as a whole?
Very confident	39	48	45	39	45	42%
Very/fairly confident	74	82	76	81	77	78%
Fairly confident	35	34	31	42	32	36%
Not very confident	8	4	3	4	7	6%
Not very/not at all	11	7	12	6	15	10%
Not confident at all	3	3	9	2	6	4%
Confident Don’t know	15	10	12	13	10	12%
15.83. Now let’s talk about the commune where you live. Generally speaking, do you think things in your commune today are going in the right direction, or do you think they are going in the wrong direction?
Right direction	63	76	71	67	68	67%
Wrong direction	18	10	28	15	18	17%
Don’t know	19	14	2	17	15	16%
11.84. Why do you say that? (TWO RESPONSES ALLOWED) POSITIVE (Asked of 676 respondents):
Economy recovering / getting better / development	32	52	23	35	33	36%
Improved schools / health care / social services /	31	21	15	38	33	29%
Construction / reconstruction / new buildings / new pagodas	30	20	15	31	23	26%
Peace/war over/normalcy/travel	24	25	21	22	20	23%
General (positive)	16	10	4	13	15	13%
Government / rulers / leaders / ruling party	10	5	4	8	13	10%
Better than under Pol Pot	8	4	4	10	12	9%
Democracy / political liberalization / many parties / freedom	8	6	4	10	6	7%
Conflict resolution	1	2	0	1	2	2%
Agricultural development (dig well, build rice store,	0	2	1	0	1
solve land problem etc).						1%
Commune chief take care for the living of local people	0	0	1	0	0	1%
Security is more/ better	0	0	0	0	1	1%
A lot of TV and motorcycles	0	0	0	0	0	0%
No oppression	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Credit available for people	0	0	0	0	0	0%
There are NGOs for helping Cambodia	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Don’t know	4	3	7	7	5	6%
NEGATIVE (Asked of 170 respondents):
Poverty / unemployment / lack of food, clothing /homelessness / begging / child laborers	55	52	28	73	40	38%
Corruption	34	26	14	42	46	33%
Underdevelopment / poor infrastructure	31	47	7	30	23	24%
Economy getting worse	27	26	10	30	27	23%
Crime	26	5	7	23	14	17%
Conflict / violence / disputes / disorders	16	21	10	7	8	10%
Repression / fear / lack of freedom	6	10	7	7	0	9%
Crisis / general negative	8	10	0	11	10	7%
Not caring for people/not solving people's problem/government have distance with people	3	0	3	0	17	7%
Water shortages / problems	3	10	3	3	10	4%
Deforestation	3	0	3	0	0	2%
Underdevelopment agriculture	0	10	7	0	2	2%
Drugs	1	0	0	0	0	1%
Education (e.g lack of teacher, schools etc)	0	0	0	0	0	1%
Not sure, because I don't know what will happen in the future	0	5	0	0	0	0%
Don't know	0	0	4	0	0	1%
11.85. In your view, what is the biggest problem facing your commune? And what is the next biggest problem?
Poverty / unemployment / lack of food, clothing/ homelessness / begging / child laborers	48/ 10	67/ 12	81/ 5	55/ 11	44/ 17	53% 13%
Water shortages / problems	8/ 9	3/ 9	0/ 9	7/ 16	12/ 12	8% 11%
Crime	8/ 8	2/ 3	2/ 10	11/ 8	7/ 6	7% 6%
Economy (general)	6/ 1	5/ 1	10/ 5	5/ 3	7/ 2	6% 3%
Underdevelopment / poor infrastructure	6/ 9	3/ 17	0/ 7	3/ 8	4/ 7	4% 10%
Corruption	2/ 5	1/ 3	2/ 5	3/ 3	6/ 2	3% 4%
Conflict / violence / disputes / disorders	2/ 2	1/ 2	0/ 3	1/ 1	1/ 1	2% 2%
Health care	1/ 6	2/ 8	0/ 14	1/ 10	0/ 4	1% 7%
Repression / fear / lack of freedom	1/ 2	1/ 3	1/ 7	2/ 4	1/ 2	1% 3%
Education / schools	1/ 2	2/ 0	0/ 9	1/ 1	1/ 4	1% 2%
Communal government/village or commune chiefs/leaders/ruling party	1/ 1	1/ 1	0/ 2	1/ 1	1/ 1	1% 1%
Opposition / political disputes / political rivalries / jealousy	1/1	0/1	0/0	1/0	0/1	1% 1%
Flood	0/ 2	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 2	2/ 2	1% 1%
Agricultural problem (lack of instrument, specialist, technical help, lack of cow & buffalo, has a lot of rats)	0/ 2	0/ 1	0/ 3	1/ 0	1/ 1	1% 0%
Housing shortages	1/ 2	0/ 3	0/ 0	1/ 1	0/ 2	0% 2%
Crisis / general negative	1/ 1	0/ 1	0/ 3	0/ 1	0/ 3	0% 2%
Deforestation	0/ 1	1/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 1	0/ 0	0% 1%
Drugs	0/ 1	0/ 1	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0% 0%
HIV/AIDS	0/ 0	0/ 1	0/ 2	0/ 0	0/ 0	0% 0%
Tax	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0% 0%
Election	1/ 0	0/ 1	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0% 0%
Fertilizer	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 1	0/ 0	0% 0%
Gambling	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 1	0/ 0	0% 0%
Lack of market to sell the Khmer crafts/products	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0% 0%
Lack of pagoda	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 1	0/ 0	0% 0%
Lack of credit for people	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0/ 0	0% 0%
No problems	6/ 5	2/ 3	5/ 2	4/ 6	6/ 5	5% 4%
Don’t know	5/ 7	10/ 3	0/ 3	5/ 6	4/ 5	6% 28%
15.86. Would you say you are very satisfied, fairly satisfied, somewhat dissatisfied, or very dissatisfied with the job the commune government is doing in the area where you live?
Very satisfied	18	23	21	22	18	19%
Very/fairly satisfied	54	68	59	65	54	58%
Fairly satisfied	36	45	38	43	36	39%
Somewhat dissatisfied	25	24	16	17	26	22%
Somewhat/very	42	36	33	31	41	37%
Very dissatisfied	17	12	17	14	15	15%
Dissatisfied Don’t know	4	5	17	4	4	5%
15.87. Some people say, “I don’t think that the communal government cares very much about what people like me think.” Do you agree or disagree? Strongly, or somewhat?
Agree strongly	25	26	17	32	24	25%
Agree strongly/somewhat						56%
Agree somewhat	28	39	50	29	28	31%
Disagree somewhat	21	19	14	15	25	21%
Disagree strongly/somewhat						38%
Disagree strongly	20	12	16	18	19	17%
Don’t know	6	4	3	6	4	6%
16.88. Thinking about your own personal economic situation now compared to two years ago, would you say you are much better off, better off, worse off, much worse off or about the same?
Much better off	2	2	0	1	3	2%
Much better/better off						44%
Better off	40	46	47	35	44	42%
Worse off	8	11	31	17	3	10%
Worse/much worse						36%
Much worse	31	15	37	24	26	26%
About the same	18	25	5	23	20	21%
Don’t know	1	0	0	0	0	0%
VIII. INTERVIEWER POST-CODES (DO NOT ASK, FILL IN AFTER INTERVIEW)
64.89. Respondent gender
Male	45	45	45	45	45	45%
Female	55	55	55	55	55	55%
64.90. Marital Status
Single	11	9	0	8	8	13%
Married	89	91	100	92	92	87%
Refused to say						0%
64.91. Ethnicity
Cambodian	95	98	84	94	97	96%
Vietnamese	1	1	2	4	0	1%
Cham	3	1	0	1	2	1%
Chinese	1	0	0	1	1	1%
Laos	0	0	14	0	0	1%
Others [SPECIFY]	0	0	0	0	0	0%
65.92. Housing type
Formal (has family book, and the area is registered)	100	99	100	98	100	100%
Informal in formal area – backyard shack, etc	0	1	0	2	0
(not has family, but live in registered area)	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Informal area (not have family book)	0	0	0	0	0	0%
66.93.Area type
City over 1 million	27	0	0	0	0	8%
City of 250,000 - 1 million	0	8	0	10	0	3%
City of 50,000 - 250,000	7	12	22	5	4	7%
Urban under 50,000	0	0	0	0	0	0%
Rural	66	80	78	85	96	81%
67.94. Province
Banteay Meanchey		26				5%
Mondul Kiri						0%
Battam Bang		31				5%
Phnom Penh	27					8%
Kampong Cham					55	15%
Preah Vihear			14			1%
Kampong Chhnang	12					4%
Prey Veaeng					30	8%
Kampong Speu	15					5%
Pursat				14		2%
Kampong Thom	17					6%
Rattanakiri			17			1%
Kampot				24		4%
Siem Reap		35				6%
Kandal	29					10%
Krong Preah Sihanouk					10	2%
Koh Kong				5		1%
Stung Treng			26			1%
Kratie			43			2%
Svay Rieng				15		4%
Takeo				44		8%
Otdar Mean Chey		4				1%
Krong Kep				4		0%
Krong Pailin		3				1%
70.95. Sampling Area
72.96. Codes: Interview Circumstances
Respondent Alone	37	43	28	24	18	29%
Respondent + Children	12	7	9	11	12	10%
Respondent + Spouse	16	21	32	31	17	19%
Respondent + Other Adults	43	27	31	43	53	42%
Respondent + Local Official	1	1	0	0	0	0%
END OF INTERVIEW

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[1] The survey was conducted well before the commune election legislation was passed, and this and the following question were included to help inform the ongoing debate on the development of the law. Although the data collected may not be relevant to the current election, it will inform future decentralization efforts.

[2] Initial Phase Voter Education targets: Housewives, women with less than primary school education, voters under 25, and urban women over 35.

[3] Initial Phase Civic Education targets: Women with less than primary education, rural women over 35, voters under 25, and those who do not watch TV regularly.