Table of Contents........................................................................................ ..............1
List of maps, tables and charts.............................................................................. 2
1. Introduction........................................................................................................... 3
1.1 Child labour in Cambodia......................................................................... 3
1.2 The National Response............................................................................... 3
1.3 Background and aims of this study....................................................... 4
1.4 Defining child labour................................................................................... 4
1.5 Structure of the report................................................................................. 6
2.
Methods of research.........................................................................................................7
2.1 Identification of working children by a brief
quantitative study....................................................................................................................................... 7
2.2 Qualitative interviewing.............................................................................. 7
2.3 Observation...................................................................................................... 8
2.4 The researchers............................................................................................... 9
2.5 Validity and reliability of the findings................................................. 9
3. Three fishing villages........................................................................................ 10
3.1 Tumnup Rolok............................................................................................. 10
3.2 Stung Hav....................................................................................................... 10
3.3 Koh Khyang.................................................................................................. 12
3.4 Organisations working in the three areas.......................................... 12
3.5 Government policies and plans in the fishing areas.................... 13
4. The magnitude of the problem of working
children................................. 15
4.1 Working children......................................................................................... 15
4.2 Age groups of working children........................................................... 17
4.3 Work times..................................................................................................... 17
4.4 School going.................................................................................................. 19
5. Socio-economic background of working
children..................................... 21
5.1 Social and geographic background..................................................... 21
5.2 Financial situation....................................................................................... 22
5.3 Schooling........................................................................................................ 25
5.4 Needs................................................................................................................ 26
6. The nature of child labour............................................................................... 28
6.1 Decision making.......................................................................................... 28
6.2 Fishing.............................................................................................................. 28
6.3 Net repair........................................................................................................ 31
6.4 Non-factory based fish, shrimp and crab processing................. 32
6.5 Factory based shrimp peeling................................................................ 33
6.6 Ice handler...................................................................................................... 34
6.7 Perception of work and life and vision of the
future................. 34
7. Conclusion and recommendations................................................................. 36
7.1 Socio-economic background................................................................. 36
7.2 The magnitude of child labour in the fisheries.............................. 37
7.3 The nature of child labour...................................................................... 37
7.4 The causes of child labour...................................................................... 37
7.5 Needs and recommendations................................................................. 37
Bibliography............................................................................................................ 37
Maps:
3.1: Map of Krong Preah Sihanouk
...................................................................................11
Tables:
4.1: Number of working children per
location....................................................................15
4.2: Number of working children per
activity for the three locations..................................15
4.3: Sex of all working children per
location......................................................................16
4.4: Sex per activity per
location.........................................................................................16
4.5: Working children by age group in
the three locations...................................................17
4.6: Activities per age group per
location............................................................................18
4.7: Work times and combination with
schooling per location............................................19
4.8: Work times per age
group...........................................
................................................19
4.9: Unable to combine work with
schooling (percentages per age group).........................19
4.10: Working children and schooling per
location............................................................19
5.1: Summary of four social-economic
groups................................................................. 24
Charts:
4.1: Reasons for not school
going.....................................................................................20
Not much is known about child labour in Cambodia. Children are known to
work in different occupations, such as begging, scavenging, garment
manufacture, stone cutting, domestic service, construction work, street
vendoring, salt field work, factory work, fish processing and plantation work.
However, little information is presently available on the nature and magnitude
of child labour in these areas.
The Cambodia Socio-Economic Survey (CSES), conducted in 1998,
provides some basic data about child workers in Cambodia. It shows that most child
workers are between 14 and 17 years old (42% of the children in this age group
are listed as “working”). Of the children between 10 and 13 years old, 9-10%
had a job, and this was 3% of the children aged 5 to 9. The CSES shows that
most child workers were girls, with 50% of all girls of 14-17 years old
working, compared with only 30% of all boys in the same age group.
The CSES also provides some information about the average work times
of child workers in general, which is 44.2 hours/week.
Unfortunately, no specific information is available for the different
occupations. The CSES cannot help us further either on the specific activities
that child workers are engaged in.
The Asian American Free Labor Institute (AAFLI) and the Cambodia
League for Defence of Human Rights (LICADHO) conducted a qualitative study on
child labour in Cambodia
in 1996, interviewing working children in many different occupations. The (unpublished)
report provides a good overview of the different occupations and some of the
main problems. More in-depth studies were undertaken by various organisations
since, focussing on child labour in for example the sex business, scavenging
for recyclables, rubber and salt production.
The International Labour Organisation (ILO) in 1992 started a new
worldwide program: the International Program on the Elimination of Child Labour
(IPEC). ILO-IPEC works in cooperation with the government, and is one of the
most important sponsors of local NGOs focusing on child labour. Although
ILO-IPEC's final aim is to eliminate all forms of child labour in the long
term, it has decided first to focus on the elimination of the worst forms of
child labour as defined in Convention No 182. In this Convention worst forms of
child labour comprise:
-
"All forms of slavery or
practices similar to slavery, such as the sale and trafficking of children,
debt bondage and serfdom and forced or compulsory labour, including forced
or compulsory recruitment of children for use in armed conflict;
-
The use, procuring or offering
of a child for prostitution, for the production of pornography or for
pornographic purposes;
-
The use, procurement or
offering of a child for illicit activities, in particular for the production
and trafficking of drugs;
-
work which, by its nature or
the circumstances, in which it is carried out, is likely to harm the health,
safety or morals of children."
In 1997, ILO-IPEC opened an office in Cambodia. Its role is to improve
knowledge on child labour and forms of commercial exploitation of children in Cambodia. It is
also in charge of undertaking situational analyses and action research on these
issues.
In 1992 the Cambodian Government signed the UN Convention on the
Rights of the Child. The Government has indicated a commitment to improve the
situation regarding worst forms of child labour in the country, and is expected
to sign the ILO Convention on the Worst Forms of Child Labour soon. The
Ministry of Social Affairs, Labour, Vocational Training and Youth
Rehabilitation (MoSALVY) is the lead government agency in enforcing
labour-related legislation through a network of labour inspectors. However, the Department of Labour
Inspection is severely understaffed and faces many logistical problems.
Late 1997 a National Steering Committee was set up, with a National
Subcommittee on Child Labour. It has a tripartite structure, with
representatives from employers, trade unions and the government (Ministry of
Social Affairs and Labour, Ministry of Education and Ministry of Interior).
Several NGOs working on issues of child labour are also part of the
subcommittee. The aim of the committee is to monitor the implementation of the
national policy on child labour and ensure coordination between the different
partners.
The Provincial Department of Social Affairs and Labour in
Sihanoukville has, with regard to solving child labour problems in the
province, indicated the fisheries as an area of high priority. The United
States Department of Labor (USDOL) has committed funding for a child labour
programme in the main fisheries locations. However, too little information is
available on the nature and magnitude of the child labour problem in this
field. The AAFLI/LICADHO research mentioned above made some observations on
children peeling shrimps at factories, but this was in 1996. The child labour
research unit of the Provincial Department of Social Affairs and several NGOs
working in the areas have also made observations, but they are not more than
anecdotal evidence.
In order to be able to design appropriate programmes in the area, a
better in-depth understanding of the child labour situation, the magnitude of
the problem and the needs of the targeted populations were needed. The Center
for Advanced Study (CAS) was asked to conduct a comprehensive baseline study in
the fisheries and fish processing
industries in order to provide the information and data needed for future
programme design purposes. Data were to be gathered about the nature of child
labour, the children's working conditions, the problems and needs of the
targeted population, the socio-economic background of the families and
communities, and the availability of services and other development projects in
the area. The aim of the research was to provide the baseline information
needed to finalise the design of future projects in the fisheries areas in
Sihanoukville.
CAS conducted field research in the months May and June 2001, for
duration of 3.5 weeks, following the Terms of Reference (see Annex A). The data
were processed partly during the field research and partly in the second half
of June and second half of July. Analysis and write up of the report took place
in July 2001.
Child labour in itself is a rather vague, ill-defined concept, which
needs clarification in order to reduce confusion. The concept consists of two
words: labour and child. The question is: who is “a child”, and what exactly is
“child labour”?
Internationally, everyone under the age of 18 is considered a child.
In Cambodia the age limit is 15 years, but Cambodian law allows children
between 12 and 15 years to be involved in “light work”. However, there is no clear definition as to
what constitutes “light work”. In this study, all children of school age
between 6 and 17 years old are taken into account. A distinction is made
between three age groups: younger than 13 years old, 13 and 14 years old, and 15
to 17 years old (inclusive). According to the ILO Convention 182, a child below
13 years old is totally prohibited to be engaged in any wage employment if the
minimum age for employment in a country is set at 15 years old, as is the case
in Cambodia. Children of 13 and 14 years old can be hired to do light work,
provided that the work is not hazardous to their health or mental and physical
development and that the work will not affect their regular school attendance.
Children from 15 to 17 years old are allowed wage employment if the health,
safety and morals of the child are fully protected and they have received
adequate instruction or vocational training.
Vague definitions of child labour contribute to a lack of clarity
about the issue and can give rise to a different understanding by different
people, organisations and stakeholders. For example, some may define child
labour as any work performed for pay, profit or family gain by children under
the age of 18 years. This broad definition entails that all child work
qualifies for the somewhat negative connotation of "child labour”.
However, not all forms of child labour are necessarily bad. In rural areas,
most children are involved in family-based activities that are essential for
the family's survival. This work often constitutes an important learning
component. Transfer of knowledge and skills from parent to child is a natural
process that ensures the family’s and child’s survival in the future. As long
as this work is not physically too demanding, does not take up too much of the
child's time, does not interfere with school going, and is not harmful for the
physical health or mental well being of the child, it should be called child
work rather than labour.
As stated by ILO-IPEC: debates on child labour can become emotional,
with some downplaying the magnitude and nature of the problem, and others
exaggerating it. A
clear definition that is shared by all stakeholders involved (children,
families, employers, government and others), is essential for combating the
problems associated with child labour.
The concept of child labour is often linked to two underlying ideas:
the idea of human development and the notion of human rights. Human development
refers to the children's possibility to enlarge the choices available to them,
so that they can improve their lives and future. The notion of human rights
refers to the specific right of children to realize and develop their full
human potential. Any work activity that prevents children from attending school
and realizing their full potential can be seen as a violation of their human
rights. Labour can prevent them from going to school, and that in turn prevents
them from rising out of poverty. Besides, children have the right to enjoy
their childhood without having to worry about earning a living. Child workers
also have the right - like any other worker - to decent work (that does not
harm their health) without exploitation. Children are particularly likely to be
powerless in their relation with the adult employer and are prone to
exploitation.
However, children are not always powerless, passive victims. Myers
and Boyden stress the importance of also taking into account the point of view
of the children and their families, as they too have a significant perspective
on the issue. It is important not only to “assess” the potential harmfulness of
child work or labour from an outsider’s (and often Western) point of view, but
also to look at the meaning of the work for the child within a cultural
context, including its disadvantages and advantages. It is important to link
any assessment of child labour to an assessment of the situation of the child
and the family as a whole. Outsiders, coming from a different cultural and
social background, brought up in a different political and economic context,
are not always neutral and objective in their assessment. Myers and Boyden
point out the active side of children: “children are not always passive victims
of poverty, forced purely out of necessity”. They state that many children work because
they want to. They can earn money, gain experience, find excitement, or they
may find pleasure and esteem in helping their families.
It is therefore important to mention here also another child’s
right. As stated in article 3 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of
the Child (CRC), “In all actions concerning children, whether undertaken by
public or private social welfare institutions, courts of law, administrative
authorities or legislative bodies, the best interests of the child shall be a
primary consideration.”
Steve Gourley, child rights advisor at the human rights organisation
LICADHO, has attempted to combine article 3 of the CRC with the right of
children to protection from work that threatens the child's health, education
and development. He has developed a scheme that is meant to help clarify the
nature of child work and/or labour and identify the major areas of risk or
hazards children are exposed to. This Child Labour Matrix makes a distinction
between harmless household chores at home, more substantial but still harmless
- light - child work, minor forms of child labour, more serious forms of child
labour, and worst forms of child labour. To facilitate an assessment, different
criteria are used according to indicators such as the purpose of work, the
education status, work times and work days, tasks performed, exposure to
hazards, work environment, nature and frequency of injuries, sanitation,
overtime, etc. Also included are the child’s and parents’ perceptions of the
work.
In this report we will use the matrix in order to assess the nature
of child labour in the fisheries in Sihanoukville. The full matrix with a brief
explanation can be found in Annex B.
Chapter 2 in the report will elaborate on the methods of research
used, the problems encountered during the research and the solutions found. It
also provides an assessment of the validity of the research and the reliability
of the data. Chapter 3 provides a brief historical background of the three main
fishing locations and some basic data. It also discusses other organisations
that are active in the area, as well policies and activities of provincial
departments with regard to the fishing villages. Chapter 4 presents
quantitative material on numbers and percentages of working children, age, sex,
work times and schooling. It provides information on the magnitude of child
work and child labour in the fisheries. Chapter 5 discusses the socio-economic
background of working children: the geographic background, the household
composition, the housing, water and sanitation situation, the income and
expenditures of the families, debts, schooling in the area, and needs as
expressed by the community members. Chapter 6 provides more detailed information
on the nature of working children: the activities, work times, payment and work
hazards. It also discusses decision making around child work and reasons for
children working. Finally, the chapter gives an impression of the perception of
life and work of children and their parents. A summary of findings, conclusions
and recommendations can be found in chapter 7.
2. Methods of
research
The field research was conducted from 17 May to 11 June 2001. The
study was to consist of three main activities: identification of working
children at the work places, observation at the work places, and qualitative
interviewing of working children and their parents/guardians in several
selected villages (see Annex A for the Terms of Reference). However, the
methods as described in the Terms of Reference for this study had to be adapted
to the actual circumstances.
One of the main aims of the baseline study was to provide data on
the magnitude of child labour in the fisheries. This was to be achieved through
identifying working children at their work places, and gather basic information
(age, sex, and type of activity) through a brief questionnaire. The research
team decided to conduct a brief household survey, instead of a small survey at
the work places. The following considerations prompted this decision:
1.
Many children worked part time.
Identification at the work place would lead to highly questionable data: places
visited during school times would record a low incidence of child workers,
whereas places visited at other times would suddenly record a very high
incidence.
2.
Children often had multiple
jobs at different places. Counting at the work places would lead to double
counting, as workers who were counted yesterday at place A would be counted the
next day again at place B.
3.
Children working on fishing
boats could not be counting at the work place (i.e. at sea), and when ashore, these
children could be anywhere and would be extremely difficult to identify as
"children working on boats at sea".
A small household survey provided us an initial opportunity to
gather information on the activities of the children per household. This was
the only way to get a clear picture of the numbers of children working, their
activities, estimations of their work times, and whether they were school going
or not.
The fishing areas had a total of almost 5000 households. A small
test showed that children belonging to families that were involved in other
businesses than fisheries (especially the small businesses along the road side)
did not work in the fisheries. We therefore decided to skip these households.
Still, the team interviewed a large majority of the households. Only questions
were asked about the children from 6 to 17 years old that worked on a regular
basis (i.e. minimum two days per week) for a minimum of three hours per day in
the fisheries. This enabled us to directly exclude a group of children from
this research that worked very little, solely in order to earn some pocket
money in their free time. The questions focussed on their sex, age, whether
they were school going or not, reasons for not school going, work activities in
the fisheries, and number of work hours per day. This took on average 10-15
minutes per family.
Sometimes there was nobody home and the houses were locked. In those
cases the researchers asked the neighbours whether there were any children in
the household between 6 and 17 years old. If so, the researchers returned
another time or day, maximum 3 times. In several cases, the researchers were
not able to meet people, possibly because they were gone to visit family in the
countryside. Some houses were thus not included in the survey: the numbers as
presented in chapter 4 may therefore be slightly higher in reality.
The research team decided to do qualitative interviewing in all
three main fishing areas: Tumnup Rolok, Stung Hav and Koh Khyang. Families with
children working in various activities were selected for interviewing. This
selection was based on a research goal to obtain as broad and diverse a sample
of respondents as possible. Families were selected that had children working at
boats in day time, boats at night time, fishing net repair, work at the wharf,
and peeling shrimps and crab at home, at the wharf and in the factory.
The interviewing was based on an
interview schedule that was developed and pre-tested with great care before fieldwork
began. During the research a few modifications were made were made, and some
questions were added as new issues appeared. The interview schedule indicated
the questions and topics that had to be covered. However, the order of the
topics was left to the interviewer. The interview guide was intended to enable
both teams cover the same topics in more or less the same depth. Younger
children were mostly "interviewed" in an informal way, without pen
and paper, in order to create a more relaxed and less formal atmosphere.
However, this meant not all questions were systematically asked to all
children.
In each selected family, a parent
of the child was interviewed, as well as a working child. The researchers made
sure that the child was not present when interviewing the parents, and vice
versa. On average, the qualitative interviewing required one hour per
interview.
The semi-structured interviews with
the parents/guardians focused on household composition, living conditions,
income and expenditures, decision making around child work, perception of the
work and life of their child, as well as wishes and visions for the future. It
also included questions on the nature of the work, work times and impact of the
work on their child, as well as schooling in the area (perception of importance
of schooling, opinion of quantity/quality of schooling facilities and teachers,
costs of schooling, etc.). The questions to the child focused on free time,
perception of life, wishes and vision of the future, the decision around child
work in the family, work activities, work times and work hazards, and schooling
(perception of importance, opinion on quality/quantity facilities and teachers,
distance, etc.). Many questions were asked to both parents and children, and
served to cross check the information.
During the last days of the
research, several group discussions were conducted in the three villages. The
discussions were aimed at verifying information from the qualitative interviews
and clarifying points that remained unclear.
The researchers interviewed in total
58 families (parents and children), which means a total of 114 interviews.
Besides, employers (factory owners), village chiefs, medical personnel,
teachers, school directors and other key people, such as chah tumand
acaar,
were interviewed.
The research team has been able to observe all work activities of
the children, except fishing on boats and casual workers peeling at the
factories. Observation of fishing was logistically impossible. It was obvious
before the research began, that information had to be gathered entirely through
interviewing. The researchers were able to observe the work of regular
employees at the three main factories in Tumnup Rolok (it was decided not to
visit the two factories at Stung Hav, as it was clear from the household survey
that almost no children below 18 years old were working at the factories.
However, the shrimp catch in the period of research was low and the factories
did not need to employ any casual workers. Most children working at the
factories did this as casual workers. As we were not able to observe the work
conditions of casual workers at the factory, we had to get the information
through interviewing.
The qualitative interviews and group discussions were conducted by
two teams, led by two experienced socio-economic researchers. Two younger
researchers were included on the basis of their qualities to establish rapport
with children.
The research team consisted of six experienced researchers and one
staff member from the Provincial Department of Social Affairs and Labour: ms.
Heng Samoeun (Provincial Department of Social Affairs and Labour), Lim Sidedine
(BA), Hun Thirith (BA), Sou Ketya (MA), Khann Sareth (BA), Mak Sophea (BA), and
Hem Kannitha (BA).The team was led by Judith Zweers (MA), working as UNV
Research Officer for the CAS since August 1999.
Three additional enumerators were locally recruited: ms. Sou Sonat,
ms. Kek Somalis, and ms. Soeu Kanha.
The CAS research team was highly experienced and well trained in
quantitative and qualitative research, child labour, the context of the study
and the aims of the study prior to fieldwork. Each researcher received a copy
of the proceedings of the workshop on research on worst forms of child labour,
held in Bangkok in 1999 for background reading. Several days were spent in Phnom Penh to
develop interview schedules and questionnaire forms, during which the aims of
each question were extensively discussed. Several meetings were held during the
course of the field research to monitor the process, discover problems and find
solutions, adapt strategies and questions, and clarify again any questions that
had occurred to the researchers during the field work.
The researchers presented themselves
as independent researchers. They explained to the workers and their families
that they were from a neutral, independent organization. They assured the
informants of strict confidentiality and anonymity, and explained that the
purpose of the research was to obtain the worker's experiences and views, in
order to better understand their life situation and recommend other
organisations to help them by starting development activities in the area. The
researchers were very well received and had no problems interviewing the
people.
People that were interviewed were not at all reluctant to talk and
were very open. They seemed happy that an organisation from outside came to
listen to them and ask for their opinions. Child labour was not a sensitive
topic in the area and could openly be discussed, among children and parents, as
well as among village chiefs, factory owners and other key people. There was a
great similarity and consistency in answers from different people, and in
answers from parents and children. We therefore have, in general, no reason to
doubt the reliability of the findings.
The fact that several households could not be interviewed due to
absence over a longer period, may have contributed to a slight undercounting of
working children. The quantitative data as presented in this report should
therefore be taken as minimum figures. However, the number of households that
were not interviewed, was very small. We may have missed a few working
children, but not many.
3. Three fishing
villages
Krong Preah Sihanouk
consists of three districts: Mittapheap District, Sung Hav District and Prey
Nub District (see map on page 11). There are three main fishing areas in
Sihanoukville: Tumnup Rolok, Stung Hav and Koh Khyang. Other small villages are
scattered along the sea shore, but often consist of just a few houses and are
difficult to reach. These small villages were not included in this research.
Tumnup Rolok is located near the main port of Sihanoukville and is
easily accessible. After 1979 the first families settled in the area. They were
the families of government officials from the Department of Fisheries that came
to a part of Tumnup Rolok that was specifically designated as a living area for
the government officials. The area soon started to attract other families from
different provinces that settled on a thin strip along the shore and worked as
fishermen. However, the area was officially declared a seaport area and fell
under the seaport authorities, which meant that the families had settled there
illegally. In 1984 the authorities decided to relocate approximately 1000
families to a newly developed fishing village in Stung Hav District. However,
people from other provinces kept coming to Tumnup Rolok in search for work, and
the area quickly became densely populated again. At the time of the research,
Tumnup Rolok had 1870 households and 349 registered boats. A total of 263
households in the area owned one or more boats, most with engines. There are
three fish and shrimp processing factories.
The area still falls under the seaport authorities, which means that
the families may have to move out again if the seaport needs the area for its
development. The future of the fishing community in Tumnup Rolok is thus an
uncertain one.
Stung Hav is located in Stung Hav District, approximately a 30
minutes drive to the North of Sihanoukville's main port and Tumnup Rolok. In
the early eighties the area was still a deserted and densely forested area. It
bordered the Province of Koh Kong to the North, where Khmer Rouge soldiers were
active. Populating Stung Hav was not only meant to relieve some of the densely populated
areas near Sihanoukville town, but also to prevent the Khmer Rouge from
entering Sihanoukville. In 1984 the area was developed into a relocation area
for families from Tumnup Rolok and a few other areas in and near Sihanouk town.
During the first years many new settlers died of malaria endemic in the forest,
which was in that period a major problem in Stung Hav. This is no longer the
case, as most trees are cut. As the area developed, families from other
provinces also settled in Stung Hav.
Map 3.1: Krong Preah Sihanoukville
=
Border Krong Preah Sihanouk
=
District Border
=
Provincial Road
=
Main Road
=
= Fishing Village
|
|
At the time of the research Stung Hav had a
total number of 2353 households and 550-600 registered boats. Stung Hav
consists of 3 Sangkat: Tumnup Rolok Thmey, O Tres, and Kampeng. O Tres is
located relatively far from the seaside. Not many people in that area work in
the fisheries, although the only two fish and shrimp processing factories of
Stung Hav are both located in O Tres. Tumnup Rolok Thmey (“new” Tumnup Rolok)
comprises the households that resettled in 1984 from Tumnup Rolok and is the
largest Sangkat, with most people (1354 households). It consists of 4 mundul (centers). Mundul 1 is by far the
largest one, with mostly poor people working in the fisheries. Qualitative
interviewing in Stung Hav was concentrated in this area.
|
|
01 =
Mittapheap
02 =
Prey Nub
03 =
Stung Hav
|
|
According to
statistics at the Mundul offices, a total of 974 children between 6 and 17
years old lived in Tumnup Rolok Thmey, Mundul 1.
Koh Khyang is located in Prey Nub District. It can be reached from
Sihanouk town by national road nr. 4 to Phnom Penh (30 minutes) and 15 minutes
dirt road. Koh Khyang village existed before the war. However, during the Pol
Pot period all inhabitants were relocated to other areas, and Koh Khyang became
a prison. In the early eighties people slowly returned to Koh Khyang. Some
people recounted that there were only two or three houses in the early
eighties, and around ten in the mid eighties. Many families came to Koh Khyang
late eighties and in the nineties in search for work. At the time of the
research Koh Khyang had developed into a large village with 506 households and
270 registered boats. 100 boats are Kie
catch boats.
Koh Khyang has a Fisheries Community, established in 2000 at the
initiative of the Ministry of Environment/Ream National Park. It receives
assistance from DANIDA (Danish Aid). It was set up in order to improve living
conditions of households of fishermen, to protect the fishermen's interest and
preserve the natural resources, and solve disputes. DANIDA provided the
community US$ 70,000 to raise crab, but the project failed. The waves caused by
the frequent traffic of boats threw the young and still unprotected crabs
against the bamboo fence, which killed them. The materials used probably also
contributed to death among the crabs. Another organisation from the Philippines
is providing funds to raise livestock and start a project of replanting
mangroves. There are no fish/shrimp processing factories in Koh Khyang.
The credit bank ACLEDA provides regular services to people in Tumnup
Rolok, Stung Hav and Koh Khyang. ACLEDA has an office in Stung Hav; people from
Tumnup Rolok go to the office in Sihanoukville, and people in Koh Khyang go to
the office in Wiering (Prey Nup), which is quite far away. Most fishermen with
own boats have loans, often from ACLEDA, in order to buy fishing boats, engines
and other fishing materials such as fishing nets, or for boat repair. Poorer
families take small loans to buy crab and shrimps, peel them and resell them at
a higher price.
Several human rights and law organisations (LICADHO, ADHOC and
CCPCR) are occasionaly active in the three areas. They focus on teaching people
about human rights, and investigate and follow up on violations, such as rape
and trafficking of women. KWDC works in Tumnup Rolok and focuses mainly on
prevention of trafficking of women and reintegration of women rescued from the
sex industry. It provides poorest young women with vocatioal training (sewing,
making paper flowers) and has a safe sex education program.
LICADHO recently signed an agreement with ILO/IPEC and the
Provincial Department of Social Affairs and Labour to focus on child labour in
Sihanoukville. The programme aims at awareness raising and problem solving
through maximum participation of all stakeholders, and consists of four
activities:
1.
awareness raising on child
labour and child rights among government officials, local authorities, NGOs,
parents and children through a series of workshops and meetings
2.
networking among the
stakeholders mentioned above through monthly meetings
3.
investigation, monitoring and
victim assistance
4.
establishing children's
networks
The program has just started the first activity.
The Bureau Catholique de l'Enfance (BICE) started working in
Sihanoukville in 2000. Its aims are to fight against child sexual abuse,
trafficking and child exploitation. It is a local NGO that forms part of an
international network of BICE organisations in other countries. BICE also
cooperates with the Provincial Departments of Education and of Social Affairs
and Labour. It attempts to empower communities and its families by focussing on
resources and potentials that are locally available. Training and networking
within the communities are their main activities. They are active in a total of
11 villages, among others in Koh Khyang, Stung Hav and Tumnup Rolok. They have
formed a network between the 11 villages, which is represented by two villagers
each. BICE also trains staff at provincial level to train people within the
villages. The village trainings focus on non-formal education for working
children in the evenings and human rights, child rights and trafficking. BICE
plans to extend its network to 40 villages.
The international reproductive health organisation RHAC is also
working in all three areas. It focuses on birth spacing and safe sex education
among young people, and training of health centre staff.
Assembly of God has an orphanage in Sihanoukville, with 2 orphans
from Koh Khyang, 2 from Stung Hav and 2 from Tumnup Rolok. It provides
vocational training. Krousar Thmey has a small fishing training centre for
young men above 17 years old from poorest families.
The Municipal Department of Women’s Affairs focuses on health
(sanitation, HIV/AIDS and vaccination programs), trafficking of women and
children, and child labour in Sihanoukville, including the three fishing areas.
The Department is also involved in awareness raising about child labour among
NGOs and parents of working children. The Department is well aware of the
existence of child labour in the fisheries. At present, the Department is
involved in providing credit to five families in Stung Hav. Only two families
are successful and are expected to be able to repay their loan. There are plans
to start credit facilities (with low interest) on a larger scale soon.
The Municipal Educational Department
follows an inter-departmental policy on reducing poverty. With regard to
reducing poverty through education (other departments focus on issues such as
health and agriculture), the policy is aimed at improving the accessibility of
primary and junior high schools for children from poor families. In the near
future, children will no longer be required to pay school fees for grades 1-9.
The policy also includes intensive additional courses for students with
learning problems. The Department is active in whole Sihanoukville, including
the three fishing areas. The Educational Department stressed that educational
facilities for primary schooling are good in both Tumnup Rolok and Stung Hav,
but realises that there is a problem in Koh Khyang, where only grades 1 and 2
are available. As Koh Khyang is a quite populated area, the Department thinks
that an addition of grades 3 and 4 in Koh Khyang would be appropriate. The
Department welcomes any organisation that is willing to improve the schooling
situation in the area. Tumnup Rolok and Stung Hav both have requested the
Educational Department for a Senior High School. However, the Department sees
no possibilities, as the future of Tumnup Rolok is highly uncertain (people may
have to move out) and it is close to Sihanouk town where facilities are
available. As for Stung Hav, the Department thinks that the area does not have
enough students to justify a senior high school. Schools do, in general, not
have any problems with teaching materials and school books, as they are
distributed by the MoEYS free of charge. The Municipal Department of Education
supervises the Don Bosco Vocational Training Centre in Sihanouk town, which
provides training on sewing, carpentry, electrics, welding and computers. The
centre has approximately 100 students and offers trainings from one to two
years. There are plans to involve street children into the training programs.
The Municipal Department of Social
Affairs, Labour, Vocational Training and Youth rehabilitation (MDoSALVY) has a
separate department of labour inspection, and a department of social welfare,
which is also responsible for child’s health issues. The labour inspection
department inspects working conditions, work times, sanitation (including
protection measures) and work security at factories and enterprises in the
area. The Department is also responsible for an orphanage with 144 orphans. The
orphanage provides computer and weaving training. The Department plans to turn
present orphanages into vocational training centres. The Department is
expecting to cooperate with the French organisation ASPECA for realising this
plan. There are, at present, two main vocational training centres in Sihanouk
town. The Don Bosco center (mentioned above) and the JVC training centre, which
is supervised by the Municipal Department of Public Works and Transportation.
The centre focuses on welding and motor/car repairing.
The Municipal Department of
Agriculture, Forestry, Wildlife and Fisheries is responsible for check points
in the main fishing areas to control fishing and act against illegal fishing
(for example fishing in shallow waters with large fishing nets) in order to
protect natural resources. Large boats have to pay taxes annually to the
Department. The Department is also responsible for developing and improving the
water ecology and culture. The Department recognizes a growing problem of a
depletion of sea resources and increased poverty in the fishing communities. In
areas such as Stung Hav, where there are at present hardly any alternatives to
fishing, alternatives such as animal raising should be developed. Food for
animals can be made from fish and seafood waste. The Fisheries Department has
started an “animal credit project” and has allocated a budget to buy pigs to be
distributed among poor families. During the first year, the Department will
take the piglets and distribute them to other households. The newborn piglets
in the second year will be for the owner. The Fisheries Department in Banteay
Meanchey and Svay Rieng has apparently successfully implemented a similar
project in the past. The fisheries Department will be responsible for technical
training on husbandry and animal vaccinations. The Fisheries Department would
like to see fishing communities be set up in all fishing areas (see below).
The Ministry of Environment has
started a pilot project with a Fishing Community in Koh Khyang, with assistance
from Danida. It is part of a national plan to start fishing communities all
over the country. The objectives are to educate local people about protecting
the natural resources on which they depend. It is aimed at protecting the
fishermen's common interests and to preserve sea resources and other natural
resources surrounding the village. Its members are elected locally among
fishermen. Each household is to provide regular reports about their catch,
which are discussed in monthly meetings. The fishing community identifies
problems, discusses possible solutions and helps solve disputes, for example
between large boat owners and small fishermen.
Quantitative material for the research was gathered through a brief
household survey in the three locations. The aim of the survey was to gather
quantitative data on the age and sex of working children, their work activities
and work times, and whether they are school going or not.
The research team counted a total of 1678 working children in the
three fishing areas. Most working children were found in Stung Hav (981), less
in Tumnup Rolok (590) and a small number was found in Koh Khyang (107). Many
children, in all three locations, went to school and worked only one or two
hours per day in order to earn some pocket money. These children were not
included in the data on working children. All other children working in
fisheries were included (see 2.1).
Table 4.1: Number of working children per location
|
Total working children
|
Tumnup Rolok
|
Stung Hav
|
Koh Khyang
|
|
1678
|
590
|
981
|
107
|
The largest group of working children was engaged in shrimp/crab
peeling at home. This was more than 61% of
working children (1031 children), mostly in Stung Hav and Tumnup Rolok.
The second largest group were children who went fishing at sea on small boats.
This was almost 20% (331 children). Most of them can be found in Stung Hav,
although both Tumnup Rolok and Koh Khyang have a considerable group of children
engaged in fishing as well. If we look at the working children in Koh Khyang,
we find that the group itself is fairly small (107 children), but that almost
58% of the children working in the fisheries is engaged in sea fishing.
A small group of children worked on large fishing boats (51
children), which leave several days or weeks in a row, sometimes even several
months. They can mostly be found in Tumnup Rolok and Stung Hav.
The table below shows the number of children engaged in each
activity per location. The total numbers per location exceed the total number
of working children, as children were often involved in more than one activity.
Table 4.2: Number of working children per activity for the three
locations
|
Activity
|
All locations
|
Tumnup Rolok
|
Stung Hav
|
Koh Khyang
|
Fishing small boat
|
331
|
82
|
187
|
62
|
|
Fishing large boat
|
51
|
27
|
22
|
2
|
|
Net repair
|
119
|
44
|
56
|
19
|
|
Factory
|
95
|
94
|
1
|
-
|
|
Peeling at wharf
|
291
|
230
|
58
|
3
|
|
Peeling at home
|
1031
|
323
|
690
|
18
|
|
Glacé / porter
|
18
|
10
|
7
|
1
|
|
Sort incoming fish/sell fish-offal
|
63
|
18
|
44
|
1
|
|
Steam fish/dry kie
|
14
|
8
|
1
|
5
|
|
Sell fish
|
14
|
3
|
11
|
-
|
|
Clean fishing nets/take out fish
|
14
|
4
|
10
|
-
|
|
Other*
|
15
|
5
|
9
|
1
|
* Making baskets to catch
crab, pump water from boats, look for shells,etc.
A total of 291 children were engaged in shrimp and crab peeling at
the wharf. Most of them could be found in Tumnup Rolok (230). Fishing net
repair and shrimp peeling at the factories constituted two other fairly large
groups (119 and 95 children respectively). Fishing net repairers were found in
all three locations, whereas shrimp peeling in factories was only found in
Tumnup Rolok (one exception in Stung Hav).
A majority of 54% of the working children were girls. This
percentage was even slightly higher in Stung Hav (56%) but considerably lower
in Koh Khyang (38%), which is related to the fact that most working children in
Koh Khyang were involved in sea fishing (see table 4.4).
Table 4.3: Sex of all working children per location
|
Sex
|
All locations
|
Tumnup Rolok
|
Stung Hav
|
Koh Khyang
|
|
Male
|
770
|
45.9%
|
273
|
46.3%
|
431
|
43.9%
|
66
|
61.7%
|
|
Female
|
908
|
54.1%
|
317
|
53.7%
|
550
|
56.1%
|
41
|
38.3%
|
|
Total
|
1678
|
100.0%
|
590
|
100.0%
|
981
|
100.0%
|
107
|
100.0%
|
A closer look at the sex of working children per activity (see table
4.4) shows that girls are mostly working in fish, shrimp and crab processing
businesses (at home, at the wharf or in a factory). Almost 65% of the children
involved in fish processing, crab or shrimp peeling were female. Approximately
82% of children engaged in fishing net repair were also female. Boys were
mostly the ones fishing at sea (more than 91%), although girls were also
fishing at sea (a total of 33 girls, almost 9%).
Table 4.4: Sex per activity per location*
|
Fishing at sea
|
All locations
|
Tumnup Rolok
|
Stung Hav
|
Koh Khyang
|
|
Male
|
91.1%
|
94.5%
|
89.5%
|
90.6%
|
|
Female
|
8.9%
|
5.5%
|
10.5%
|
9.4%
|
|
Net repair
|
All locations
|
Tumnup Rolok
|
Stung Hav
|
Koh Khyang
|
|
Male
|
17.6%
|
20.5%
|
17.9%
|
10.5%
|
|
Female
|
82.4%
|
79.5%
|
82.1%
|
89.5%
|
|
Fish/shrimp/**
crab processing
|
All locations
|
Tumnup Rolok
|
Stung Hav
|
Koh Khyang
|
|
Male
|
35.2%
|
38.5%
|
32.6%
|
28.6%
|
|
Female
|
64.8%
|
61.5%
|
67.4%
|
71.4%
|
|
Glacé/Porter
|
All locations
|
Tumnup Rolok
|
Stung Hav
|
Koh Khyang
|
|
Male
|
16
|
10
|
5
|
1
|
|
Female
|
2
|
-
|
2
|
-
|
* Some percentages are
difficult to compare, because of the low numbers (especially for Koh Khyang).
** Crab and shrimp peeling,
clean and salt fish, prepare fish for steaming, dry kie, sort fish, etc.
The table below shows that children of different age groups work in
the fisheries. The largest group of working children were between 15-17 years
old (44%). Children of 13 and 14 years old constituted almost 24%, and 33% were
below 13 years old. In Koh Khyang a remarkably small group of children below 13
years old was working in the fisheries (14%).
Table 4.5: Working children per age group in the three locations
|
Age group
|
All locations
|
Tumnup Rolok
|
Stung Hav
|
Koh Khyang
|
|
< 13 years
|
553
|
32.9%
|
219
|
37.1%
|
319
|
32.5%
|
15
|
14.0%
|
|
13-14 years
|
394
|
23.5%
|
131
|
22.2%
|
242
|
24.7%
|
21
|
19.6%
|
|
15-17 years
|
731
|
43.6%
|
240
|
40.7%
|
420
|
42.8%
|
71
|
66.4%
|
|
Total
|
1678
|
100.0%
|
590
|
100.0%
|
981
|
100.0%
|
107
|
100.0%
|
A closer look at the age groups per activity (see table 4.6) reveals
that the youngest children were mostly working in the fish, shrimp and crab
processing businesses. This explains the low number of young working children
in Koh Khyang, as most working children in this village were engaged in fishing
activities. However, young children were also found fishing at sea, although
their numbers were small. Most children below 13 years old that were engaged in
fishing, lived in Stung Hav. Children of all ages worked at the factories in
Tumnup Rolok: almost 29% of these children were below 13 years old.
Table 4.7 provides more data about
the work times of the children. Many children worked part time and combined it
with schooling: this was more than 48% of all working children counted (807
children). A smaller group (almost 13%) worked part time but did not go to
school, even though the work times could not have prevented the child from
school going (213 children). This percentage was considerably higher in Tumnup
Rolok (17%) and lower in Stung Hav (10%).
A more problematic situation existed for the remaining group of 658
children, for whom combining work with school going was impossible. Not all
children in this group necessarily worked long hours; the unpredictability of
work times sometimes prevented a child from school going. A total of 207 children
were working long hours on fishing boats, of whom 42 children stayed at sea for
2 to 3 days in a row, several weeks, or – in a few cases – even several months.
Of this group of 658 children, 393 were in Stung Hav, 197 in Tumnup Rolok, and
68 in Koh Khyang. That is more than 33% of all working children in Tumnup
Rolok, 40% of working children in Stung Hav, and almost 64% of working children
in Koh Khyang.
Table 4.8 shows that the largest group were 15 to 17 years old
children whose work did not permit them to combine it with schooling, either
because of long work hours or because of unpredictability of the work. This was
27% of all working children (458 children). The second largest group were the
very young children aged 6 to 12 years old, who worked part time and combined
this with schooling. This was 22% of the working children (367 children). A
total of 11% of the working children were 6 to 12 years old and did not go to
school (186 children). Almost half of them were unable to go to school because
of the work.
When we focus on the children that are unable to combine school with
work, we see that most are within the older age group of 15-17 years (458
children), 119 children are between 13 and 14 years old, and 81 children are
younger than 13.
Most
children who are unable to combine work with schooling, are between 15 and 17
years old. This is almost 70% of this group of children. 18% is between 13 and
14 years old, and 12% is below 14 (see table 4.10).
Table 4.6: Activities per
age group per location
|
Fishing (small boat)
|
Total
|
Tumnup Rolok
|
Stung Hav
|
Koh Khyang
|
|
<13 years
|
30
|
9.1%
|
5
|
6.1%
|
19
|
10.2%
|
6
|
9.7%
|
|
13-14 years
|
64
|
19.3%
|
11
|
13.4%
|
44
|
23.5%
|
9
|
14.5%
|
|
15-17 years
|
237
|
71.6%
|
66
|
80.5%
|
124
|
66.3%
|
47
|
75.8%
|
Total
|
331
|
100.0%
|
82
|
100.0%
|
187
|
100.0%
|
62
|
100.0%
|
|
Fishing (larger boat)
|
Total
|
Tumnup Rolok
|
Stung Hav
|
Koh Khyang
|
|
<13 years
|
2
|
3.9%
|
1
|
3.7%
|
1
|
4.6%
|
0
|
|
13-14 years
|
7
|
13.7%
|
4
|
14.8%
|
3
|
13.6%
|
0
|
|
15-17 years
|
42
|
82.4%
|
22
|
81.5%
|
18
|
81.8%
|
2
|
Total
|
51
|
100.0%
|
27
|
100.0%
|
22
|
100.0%
|
2
|
|
Net repair
|
Total
|
Tumnup Rolok
|
Stung Hav
|
Koh Khyang
|
|
<13 years
|
20
|
16.8%
|
4
|
9.1%
|
13
|
23.2%
|
3
|
|
13-14 years
|
25
|
21.0%
|
11
|
25.0%
|
11
|
19.7%
|
3
|
|
15-17 years
|
74
|
62.2%
|
29
|
65.9%
|
32
|
57.1%
|
13
|
Total
|
119
|
100.0%
|
44
|
100.0%
|
56
|
100.0%
|
19
|
|
Factory
|
Total
|
Tumnup Rolok
|
Stung Hav
|
Koh Khyang
|
|
<13 years
|
27
|
28.4%
|
27
|
28.7%
|
-
|
-
|
|
13-14 years
|
20
|
21.1%
|
20
|
21.3%
|
-
|
-
|
|
15-17 years
|
48
|
50.5%
|
47
|
50.0%
|
1
|
-
|
Total
|
95
|
100.0%
|
94
|
100.0%
|
1
|
-
|
|
Shrimp/crab peeling at
wharf
|
Total
|
Tumnup Rolok
|
Stung Hav
|
Koh Khyang
|
|
<13 years
|
107
|
36.8%
|
104
|
45.2%
|
3
|
5.2%
|
-
|
|
13-14 years
|
76
|
26.1%
|
56
|
24.4%
|
20
|
34.5%
|
-
|
|
15-17 years
|
108
|
37.1%
|
70
|
30.4%
|
35
|
60.3%
|
3
|
Total
|
291
|
100.0%
|
230
|
100.0%
|
58
|
100.0%
|
3
|
|
Shrimp/crab peeling at
home
|
Total
|
Tumnup Rolok
|
Stung Hav
|
Koh Khyang
|
|
<13 years
|
454
|
44.0%
|
169
|
52.3%
|
279
|
40.4%
|
6
|
|
13-14 years
|
264
|
25.6%
|
80
|
24.8%
|
177
|
25.7%
|
7
|
|
15-17 years
|
313
|
30.4%
|
74
|
22.9%
|
234
|
33.9%
|
5
|
Total
|
1031
|
100.0%
|
323
|
100.0%
|
690
|
100.0%
|
18
|
|
Glacé/porter
|
Total
|
Tumnup Rolok
|
Stung Hav
|
Koh Khyang
|
|
<13 years
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
|
13-14 years
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
|
15-17 years
|
18
|
10
|
7
|
1
|
Total
|
18
|
10
|
7
|
1
|
|
Other (processing)*
|
Total
|
Tumnup Rolok
|
Stung Hav
|
Koh Khyang
|
|
<13 years
|
38
|
31.7%
|
9
|
23.7%
|
27
|
36.0%
|
2
|
|
13-14 years
|
33
|
27.5%
|
11
|
28.9%
|
20
|
26.7%
|
2
|
|
15-17 years
|
49
|
40.8%
|
18
|
47.4%
|
28
|
37.3%
|
3
|
Total
|
120
|
100.0%
|
38
|
100.0%
|
75
|
100.0%
|
7
|
* drying kie, prepare fish in baskets to steam, sort incoming fish,
make fertilizer from fish rests, etc.
Table 4.7: Work times and combination with schooling per location
|
Work times/schooling
|
All locations
|
Tumnup Rolok
|
Stung Hav
|
Koh Khyang
|
|
Combining work (on a regular basis) with school
|
807
|
48.1%
|
294
|
49.8%
|
495
|
50.4%
|
18
|
16.8%
|
|
Working few hours, and not school going
|
213
|
12.7%
|
99
|
16.8%
|
93
|
9.5%
|
21
|
19.6%
|
|
Combining work with school impossible
|
658
|
39.2%
|
197
|
33.4%
|
393
|
40.1%
|
68
|
63.6%
|
|
Total
|
1678
|
100.0%
|
590
|
100.0%
|
981
|
100.0%
|
107
|
100.0%
|
Table 4.8: Work times per
age group
|
|
6 - 12 years
|
13 and 14 years
|
15 to 17 years
|
Total
|
|
Work part time, combined with schooling
|
22%
|
(367)
|
15%
|
(247)
|
11%
|
(193)
|
48%
|
(807)
|
|
Work part time, not combined with schooling
|
6%
|
(105)
|
2%
|
( 28)
|
5%
|
( 80)
|
13%
|
(213)
|
|
Work full time or unpredictable
|
5%
|
( 81)
|
7%
|
(119)
|
27%
|
(458)
|
39%
|
(658)
|
|
Total
|
33%
|
(553)
|
24%
|
(394)
|
43%
|
(731)
|
100%
|
(1678)
|
Table 4.9: Unable to combine
work with schooling (percentages per age group)
|
6-12 years
|
13 and 14 years
|
15-17 years
|
Total
|
|
81
|
119
|
458
|
658
|
|
12.3%
|
18.1%
|
69.6%
|
100.0%
|
Overall, almost 57% of all working children did not attend school,
or did this very irregularly. The largest percentage (but lowest number) was
found in Koh Khyang, where more than 83% of the working children did not attend
school or went very irregularly. This was clearly related to the fact that most
working children in this village were involved in sea fishing, which could not
be combined with schooling. The percentages for Tumnup Rolok and Stung Hav were
58% and almost 53% respectively.
Table 4.10: Working
children and schooling per location*
School going?
|
All locations
|
Tumnup Rolok
|
Stung Hav
|
Koh Khyang
|
|
Yes
|
721
|
43.0%
|
243
|
41.2%
|
460
|
46.9%
|
18
|
16.8%
|
|
Not, or irregularly
|
948
|
56.5%
|
344
|
58.3%
|
515
|
52.6%
|
89
|
83.2%
|
|
Kindergarten
|
8
|
0.5%
|
3
|
0.5%
|
5
|
0.5%
|
-
|
-
|
Total
|
1677
|
100.0%
|
590
|
100.0%
|
980
|
100.0%
|
107
|
100.0%
|
* Data on school going from one
child was unclear, and thus could not be included in this table.
The reasons for not school going most often mentioned, were:
-
no money to pay school costs
(610 times)
-
have to earn money (457 times)
-
have to help working (412
times)
These three reasons were often found in combination. This indicates
that poverty was often the main reason for children not to go to school and to
start working. Other reasons mentioned, were: do not want to go to school (131
times), being handicapped or chronically ill (91 times), being too young (26
times), the school is too far away (18 times), and the family just came to live
here (8 times).
Chart 4.1: Reasons for not
school going (number of times mentioned):*
* Multiple answers were
possible
The information below is
drawn from qualitative interviews with 58 children, their parents, village
chiefs, health care personnel, school directors and other key people. The aim
here is to illuminate the situation of illustrative families in order to help
bring the tables and charts of chapter 4 to life.
5.1 Social and geographic
background
5.1.1 Geographic background
The results of the 1998
census show that the population of Sihanoukville is highly mobile: 52.2% had
their previous residence at another place. Most migrants (almost 70%) had come
from another province. This was well reflected by the qualitative interviews
for this research: all families with working children that were interviewed,
were migrants. They came from all over the country (Kampong Cham, Kampong Thom,
Kampong Chnang, Phnom Penh, Svay Rieng, Koh Kong, Takeo), although most came
from Kampot, another fishing area bordering Vietnam to the east. Quite a few
had come from Kampuchea Krom in Vietnam. Many arrived in the
eighties (especially in Stung Hav); others came in the nineties (especially in
Tumnup Rolok). A few families had recently arrived.
The fishing population
seems to move from one place to another. Most people living in Stung Hav came
in 1984, when 1000 families from Tumnup Rolok were relocated. Some families who
were relocated to Stung Hav had returned to Tumnup Rolok, or had gone to Koh
Khyang. Several families had moved from Koh Kong to Koh Khyang or Tumnup Rolok
because of frequent Khmer Rouge infiltration in Koh Kong in the eigthies. Some
families got arrested too often for illegal fishing practices in one place, and
thus moved to another. Others moved from Koh Kong or Stung Hav to Koh Khyang
because it brought them closer to their relatives in Kampuchea Krom, where they
originally came from. Most families in Tumnup Rolok came from Kampot.
Interestingly, less than
half of the families interviewed used to work in the fisheries before; many
were rice farmers who lost their land (failed harvest, debts, confiscation) or
had a small business that did not work out well. Many families from Kampuchea
Krom came because their land was confiscated by the Vietnamese Government.
Others (from various provinces in Cambodia) had only a small plot of land and
decided to give it to their children and start a new life in the fisheries.
Most came because they had relatives living here.
5.1.2 Household composition
Most families that were
interviewed were large and had many dependents. Their average household size
was 6.7 members, which is remarkably higher than the overall average for
Sihanoukville (5.5). We found an age-dependency ratio of 0.89 (meaning that, on
average, one productive household member has to support 0.89 dependent). That is
slightly higher than the overall average for Sihanoukville as presented in the
Census: 0.83.
Most children that were
interviewed lived with their father, mother and siblings. In 12 families either
the father (in most cases) or the mother had died. Two children did not live
with their parents at all: one child lived with a port owner, and the other
lived with his uncle.
5.1.3 Housing, water, sanitation and electricity
Most families that were
interviewed lived in small one or two room houses made from wood and/or palm
leaves, with a tin or a thatch roof. Most families in Koh Khyang lived in a
wooden house with tin roof. Families in Tumnup Rolok and Stung Hav seemed to
live in slightly poorer conditions: most lived in a house made from wood and/or
palmleaves. In Tumnup Rolok and Stung Hav people complained that the roof and
walls leaked even when it had rained a little. In Stung Hav some houses were
leaning to one side and were close to collapsing into the water. A great part
of these villages are built on the sea shore.
Access to clean water was a
problem in especially Tumnup Rolok and Koh Khyang. There were many wells in
Tumnup Rolok, but they were all located at the land side of the road. The
families living along the shore depended on privately owned and distributed
piped water, or bought drinking water in containers. Both were more expensive
than water that was distributed by the government in other areas. In Tumnup
Rolok many households had access to electricity. Most families in Koh Khyang
also had both access to electricity and piped water, but the water was often
cut off due to problems in the water reserve and delays in payment by the
households. They often had to buy water, or used wells or ponds that were
located far away. As Koh Khyang is located at the seaside, it is difficult to
dig wells. Few families interviewed in Stung Hav had electricity and/or piped
water. They had to buy water, or get it from a well. However, many wells were
available at a short distance. Water was less of a problem in Stung Have than
it was in Tumnup Rolok and Koh Khyang. In Stung Hav, petroleum was often used
as fuel for lighting instead of electricity.
Only four families of the
58 families interviewed had a latrine. The villagers usually used the water
below their houses as a toilet, which also served as a trash heap. The water
below the houses was often heavily polluted, smelling very bad when the water
receded and leading to diseases, especially skin diseases among children.
Even though Tumnup Rolok
had more than three times as many households as Koh Khyang, village statistics
show that Koh Khyang had almost as many boats as Tumnup Rolok. This was clearly
reflected by the families interviewed. All families interviewed in Koh Khyang
owned a boat, whereas this was less than 30% among the families interviewed in
Stung Hav and Tumnup Rolok. In these two areas the father often worked for pay
on boats of others. In 10 cases the father had another job, and in 9 cases the
father was permanently ill, absent due to divorce, or had died.
5.2 Financial situation
5.2.1 Income and expenditures
It was difficult for people
to estimate their weekly income and expenditures, as incomes were highly
unpredictable and money earned was usually spent immediately. Despite
difficulties in answering, some tendencies could be discerned. However, the
figures below should be taken as indications.
The weekly expenditures for
basic necessities of an estimated 60% of the families that were interviewed, were
equal to, or exceeding, the average income. During low income weeks, these
families did not have enough to eat. There were four different income groups.
The group with the highest
incomes were families that owned a large boat, several boats, or had several
older male household members that were able to take turns: their boat could
leave both in day time and in night-time. They were few. Their average weekly
incomes ranged from 300,000 riel (77 US$) to 600,000 riel (154 US$). These
incomes seem extremely high for rural Cambodia, but it is important to realize
that investment costs and recurrent costs are also high (boat, fishing
materials, repair, fuel). However, it was clear that the few families owning a
large boat, or several boats, were well off and had no financial problems. They
all had loans from ACLEDA for buying a boat, an engine or fishing materials,
but had no problems repaying.
The families that owned
only one small boat with engine had more financial problems. Fishing boats with
an engine can catch shrimps, crabs and fish. Their average weekly incomes were
between 100,000 and 150,000 riel. This is approximately 26 US$ to 39 US$. The
investment costs and recurring costs mentioned above were often too high.
Reparation costs ranged from 50,000 riel to 200,000 riel per year. Weekly
expenditures for fuel took on average already 28% of their income. Food took
(on average) another 50% , repayment of debts, medicines, cloths, house rent,
water, and petroleum or electricity often took the rest, or more. In case there
was no family member to help, the boat owner had to hire a worker, which meant
that 10-20% of the profit had to be paid to the hired worker. If the catch was
low, or they were not able to leave at all due to bad weather or illness, there
was not enough to eat. It seemed that most small boat owners that were
interviewed lived on, or just below subsistence level.
The third group consisted
of families not owning a boat, but either having one member with a steady job
(mechanic, docker). Their household income ranged, on average, from 80,000 to
140,000 riel/week (21-36 US$). They did not face any serious problems.
Families that owned a boat
without engine and families that did not own a boat and had to make ends meet
on a daily basis, formed the fourth income group. Boats without engine had to
stay near the shore and did not spend money on fuel. However, they were not
able to use fishing nets (as the nets have to be pulled by a boat with engine)
and their catch was therefore low. They usually fished crabs by putting loob kdaam (see 6.2). Many families in
Stung Hav owned a boat without engine. Families that did not own a boat,
depended entirely on different kinds of jobs available in the fish processing
business. Their average incomes were between 40,000 to 75,000 riel/week (10-19
US$), with a range between 21,000 to 187,000 riel/week. Their expenditures on
food took on average almost 70% of their income. Medicines were another
important cost: illness was a main reason for a family to become indebted to
informal money lenders. Other costs were for house rent, water, electricity or
petroleum, and clothing. It seemed that most families in this group lived on or
below subsistence level.
It was difficult for
informants to give an indication of the costs for schooling, as many children
and their families interviewed were not school going. Moreover, some costs had
to be paid at once, whereas others were spread over the year. One important
expenditure was for the school uniforms. Estimations ranged from a low 5000
riel (1.3 US$) to a high 40,000 riel (10.3 US$). This was the difference
between a worn out second hand uniform for very poor children and a brand new
one for the better-off. On average, families were spending 20,000 riel on a
uniform for their children. School fees were not fixed. They changed according
to number of school going children in one family and whether the child had just
enrolled or not. Average fees were between 5000 and 8000 riel per year. Poor
families were exempted from paying school fees: this was confirmed by both
school directors and the families. Costs for books and pens were estimated at
5000 riel – 20,000 riel/year, averaging 10,000 riel (2.6 US$). The highest
costs for school going were obviously the more hidden costs: costs that had to
be paid for extra private classes, for "curtains and tablecloth", or
for cakes and material that the teacher sells in class. Private class costs 500
riel per hour. Following private class six days per week means an extra cost of
3000 riel/week. The number of private classes taken by poor children depends of
course on the ability of the family to
pay. Some may take just a few private classes per week, or none at all. The
other weekly costs were estimated between 500 and 1000 riel per week. It can
thus be concluded that the hidden costs are the most important costs for
schooling and can make schooling quite expensive.
5.2.2 Debts
Credit was a hotly debated
issue at all three locations, partly because fishermen need credit to make
investments for their business. A small boat costs 700,000 – 800,000 riel
(180-205 US$). Many fishermen had
borrowed money from ACLEDA in order to buy or repair a boat, and buy fishing
materials. The families that were financially better off had no problems
repaying. For them the loans were an important way to improve their situation.
However, poorer fishermen seemed to often face problems with repayment of
loans. Loans have to be repaid together with the interest on a monthly basis.
However, those who got their boat repaired were unable to go fishing and had no
income to repay the loan. Moreover, fishing is a highly unpredictable business:
there are weeks with little catch and in case of storms, they cannot go fishing
at all. As debtors are fined when they are late one day, many smaller fishermen
borrowed from informal moneylenders (asking interest rates of 20%) in order to
repay ACLEDA.
People that were unable to
borrow from ACLEDA, borrowed from informal moneylenders. This was often the
wharf owner who bought fish products from the fishermen when they returned.
Fishermen who were not in debt to such a person, were able to choose themselves
to whom to sell their catch. Those who were in debt often had to sell their
catch to the person to whom they were indebted, for a lower price.
Table 5.1: Summary of four
social-economic groups
|
Social-ec.group
|
Average weekly income
|
Credit
|
Recurrent costs
|
Problems
|
|
Large boat or several small boats
|
77-154 US$
|
ACLEDA:
no repayment problems
|
High (boat, repair, materials, fuel, etc.)
|
None
|
|
Small boat with engine
|
26-39 US$
|
ACLEDA: turn to informal moneylenders to repay to ACLEDA
|
High (boat, repair, materials, fuel, etc.)
|
Financial problems, especially when catch is low.
Often indebted to wharf owner
|
|
No boat but steady job (mechanic, diocker)
|
21-36 US$
|
No loans, or small loans from informal money lenders
|
None
|
None
|
|
Small boat without engine or no boat/no steady job
|
10-19 US$
|
Loans from informal money lenders, mostly for curing illness
|
Low or none
|
financial problems, especially when catch is low
|
5.2.3 Other problems
All three villages saw a
considerable reduction in crabs and shrimps over the last few years. This was
partly because of large fishing boats from Thailand (near Tumnup Rolok and
Stung Hav) that fished with modern equipment in the same (Cambodian) waters,
reducing the catch of small local fishermen. Koh Khyang had the same problem
with Vietnamese boats. According to the people interviewed, these boats were
under protection of police or high ranking Cambodian officials. Pirate ships
were an important problem in Stung Hav. People lost their boats and lives to
sea pirates.
Other reasons for a
depletion of water resources were related to the fishing villages themselves.
The villages had attracted too many families from other provinces with too many
people starting to fish. Over fishing from within has obviously also led to a
depletion of resources. Koh Khyang is located in a protected environmental area
(Ream National Park), and illegal fishing practices have led to a depletion of
water resources. At the same time prices for sea products were falling and the
costs for fuel were increasing. It was clear that the standard of living in all
three areas had decreased considerably over the last few years.
Tumnup Rolok had one school
grade 1-9 (Sakura School). This was within 5 to 15 minutes walking distance
from most households in the area. It was rebuilt in 1997 by JHP-Japan, and
consists now of 6 buildings with 30 rooms. It had 1608 students, 798 female.
About 30% of the students were exempted from paying school fees due to poverty.
Stung Hav had three primary
schools grade 1-6, one in each Sangkat. We will concentrate here on the school
in Tumnup Rolok Thmey, as that is the school where most children working in the
fisheries went. Tumnup Rolok Thmey had a primary school, grade 1 to 6. Grades 7
to 9 were available in O Tres. The
Tumnup Rolok Thmey Primary School had 1552 students, of which 742 female. The
building consisted of 35 rooms. 40% of students were exempted from paying
school fees. An estimated 10 to 20% of children in the area were not school
going. Absence in class was 10 to 20% per day. According to the director, most
students dropped out between the age of 13 and 15 years old.
Koh Khyang had only
schooling facilities for grade 1 and 2. The Pou Sothyreak Koh Khyang Primary
School had 223 students and 4 rooms. The director of the school estimated that
30% of children in Koh Khyang did not go to school, mostly because they had to
help their parents. However, the village chief estimated that this was 40% of
the children. Absence in class was 10 to 15% per day. The school lacked
teaching materials, access to clean water and toilets. The director would like
to expand the school to grade 6. Children had to go to O Chrov to continue
their school. This involved costs of 1000 riel/day for motordup. Many droped
out after grade 2 because they cannot afford that.
None of the schools lacked
books. UNICEF provided books through the Ministry of Education.
Most children and parents
were positive about both quality and quantity of school buildings, material and
books in Tumnup Rolok and Stung Hav. People in Koh Khyang had a different
opinion, and complained about both the quality and quantity of school
buildings, tables and chairs and books. They were mainly referring to the
primary school (only grade 1 and 2) in Koh Khyang.The distances to school were
mostly short, between 5 and 15 minutes walking. The most important problem was
the school for grades 3 to 6 in O Crov, for which a motorcycle ride was needed
(1000 riel/day).
Most parents and children
interviewed were fairly positive about the teachers at school: they thought of
them as "medium" to "good". Most common complaint was that
teachers often ask for extra money. This mostly happened by giving extra,
private class outside school hours. Even though attending these extra classes
was voluntary, some parents complained that the teachers would not let their
child pass to the next grade if they did not attend the extra classes. Others
complained that they have to buy cakes and material in class that are sold by
the teacher.
Parents and children
sometimes complained that the teachers do not explain well, do not come
regularly, or beat the children. Especially parents in Koh Khyang complained
about the teachers: sometimes children had gone to school for four or five
years but were still unable to read or write. This was also attributed to the
full classes. Sometimes children did not want to go to school because the
teacher beat them. Another reason for not wanting to go to school was shame.
Children from very poor families had to buy a school uniform second hand and
had no money to bring to school. Some children felt ashamed and were afraid of
the other children. Other parents explained that their children do not want to
go to school, because they want to earn some pocket money.
Most parents and children
thought of schooling as something very useful. When asked what they thought was
most important for improving their child's future, a large majority answered
"knowledge", and half answered "money". Money was seen as
important in order to pay for further studies of their child or to set up a
business. A few parents thought of money in order to bribe people to get a job.
Only a few parents thought contacts with the right people were the most
important agents for change. However, there was still a fairly large group that
did not perceive schooling as very useful for their children: this was almost
one third of the parents interviewed.
We can conclude that most
people living in the three fishing areas perceived schooling as important, also
for changing their child's future. They did not have the feeling that they were
completely powerless to make a positive change. However, there were still many
families that did not consider schooling as important for their child’s future.
Parents, children, village
chiefs and other key persons were asked what they thought was most needed in
their community: needs in general, and needs that could contribute to a
reduction in child labour in particular.
Vocational training for
older children was in very high demand in all three locations: sewing for the
girls and mechanics (especially boat mechanics) for the boys. Parents were
convinced that their children would be able to find a good job if provided the
right skills. Children were of the same opinion. As for sewing, girls thought
they could start small at home, and later open a little shop at the market.
Some also thought that it would be easier to get a job in one of the garment
factories if they had sewing skills already. Boys wanted to learn about
mechanics, in particular related to boat mechanics and engine repair. People
thought that it would keep poor families from spending too much money on boat
and engine repair if the child can do it. Moreover, with all the fishing boats
that need to go ashore for repair once or twice a year, there would be enough
work in this field. In Koh Khyang people wanted a work place for mechanics
attached to a training center.
The village chief of Koh
Khyang argued that the problem of child labour could not be solved without
raising the standard of living in the area. However, he also felt that living
conditions cannot be solved as long as too many people keep on fishing. The
only way to improve the situation was, according to him, to get people to
change their job.
Also in very high demand
were improvements in housing conditions. Many people had no house and were
dependent on the wharf owner (and often buyer of the incoming fish products)
for housing. This meant that they had to sell their catch to the house owner,
often receiving a lower price than if they would go somewhere else. Others did
have their own house, but the roofs and walls were falling apart, leaking at
the slightest rain, and some houses (especially in Stung Hav) were leaning too
much to one side. House improvements were in demand at all three locations, but
were clearly the most important in Stung Hav. Housing was an important concern
for almost all families interviewed in Stung Hav.
Many families requested low
interest credit facilities, but on different conditions than offered by ACLEDA.
Families that did not own a boat, house or land title had no collateral and
thus were unable to get an individual loan from ACLEDA. Another condition that
people found difficult to meet was repayment of interest and loan together on a
monthly basis. Moreover, the lending period was often perceived as too short.
People requested low interest loans and repayment of only the interest on a
monthly basis and the borrowed sum of money at once at the end of the period.
They also requested that this period be extended to one or two years. Fishermen
often need loans to build a boat or to repair one, and cannot start repaying
before any profit is made. In Koh Khyang people also had other ideas for
investment: start a motortaxi business, raise pigs and chicken, etc.
Improvements in schooling
facilities were considered very important in Koh Khyang. People requested for
adding school buildings, grades and teachers beyond grades 1 and 2.
Another concern, especially
in Koh Khyang, was the availability of clean water. Many houses were connected
to piped water, but water was rarely flowing through it, either because there
was not enough water or because the family had no money to pay for it. Water
cost 2000 riel/m3. The water wells were too far away. Some villagers suggested
to make water wells in different parts of the village. Most villagers in Tumnup
Rolok had piped water and bought drinking water in containers. This water was
all privately owned and sold. The price was higher than water distributed by
the government. The villagers requested pump wells in order to solve the
problem.
Many people requested an
improvement of the health facilities. There is a lot of Dengue in the area
because of polluted water. People in Stung Hav requested for a hospital and
free health care for the poor at the health centre. The health centre staff
also works privately, and - according to the people - do not help them if they
cannot pay for it. People in Tumnup Rolok had the same complaints. People at
Koh Khyang related that they do not have to pay for health care at the health
centre. However, they hardly ever went there, as the health centre was located
in O Crov. They went to see the private "doctors" at the market,
which costs 15.000 riel for an examination.
Most children that were interviewed worked long hours and did not go
to school. In only a few cases the parents had forced the child to start
working. In all other cases it was either a mutual decision of parents and child,
or it was never discussed. Many children perceived it as a natural process:
they follow other children who dropped out from school and started working.
Some liked to work with their friends.
Even though parents usually did not force their child to work and
most children started to work voluntarily, many of them had no choice. Families
owning a small fishing boat earned too little to hire koun day. Koun day are
people who work for pay on fishing boats. They are usually young men in their
early twenties from other provinces that came on their own in search for work.
They came temporarily and often lived with the boat owner's family. But koun day can also be married men, or
young but strong teenagers. Families in Stung Hav and Tumnup Rolok that did not
own a boat often had the head of household and/or 15 to 17 year old male
children working as koun day. Koun day were usually paid 10 to 20% of
the profit. Many families that owned only one small boat could not afford to
hire koun day and needed the help of
their children instead. There was also an important aspect of teaching skills
from parents to child, particularly in fishing and fishing net repair.
The children who worked in fish, shrimp and crab processing
businesses had started to work mostly because they had to help the family and
earn extra money to contribute to the family's income. For families that lived
on or below subsistence level the extra help and earnings were essential for
their survival.
Most children working on boats at
sea went with their father on their own boat, although quite a few children
that were interviewed worked for pay on boats owned by others. Most children
went with small boats, sometimes with and sometimes without an engine.
Some children only went in daytime. Boats without an engine stayed
close to the shore in shallow waters and usually caught shells, or crab with loob kdaam.
An average of 50 loob kdaam were
attached to one another by a string, and were slowly dropped into the water.
After a while, they were pulled up again through a hooked stick. Many younger
children (from 12 or sometimes 10 years old) were involved in this method of
fishing. The youngest children prepare bait, and put the loob kdaam only in very shallow water; the older ones put them in
deeper water. Many families with small boats in Stung Hav caught crab through
this method.
Sok is 12 years old and lives with his parents
and three younger siblings in Stung Hav. His parents came in 1988 from
Kampuchea Krom in Vietnam. They could not earn a living there, and decided to
follow a cousin who had settled in Stung Hav before. Their house collapsed in a
storm recently: they now live with relatives (in total 19 people) in a small
one-room house made from palm leaves.
Sok’s father has a small boat without engine, so
they have to stay close to the shore. Sok dropped out from school at grade 2.
His father started teaching him how to fish crab since he was 10 years old. He
needed a helping hand, and his oldest son was the only one who could do that.
At 6 o’clock in the morning he prepares the bait for the crabs, then they
leave. They put the loob kdaam into the water and wait for about 30 minutes.
Then he pulls them out again with a long hooked stick. They do this two or
three times/day. If there is no crab at one place, they go to another one. When
they return home before lunch, they sell the crab or keep them to boil and peel
themselves and sell the meat at a higher price. They return to sea after lunch
and come back at 5 o’clock in the afternoon.
[Interview code 2-4]
Boats with engine were able to fish with nets. They left early
around 3 A.M. and returned at 4 or 5 PM (12-13 hours). They mostly caught crab,
shrimps and fish. Kie
and shell fishing boats (only in Koh Khyang) left at 7 or 8 AM. and returned
between 2 and 5 PM (6-8 hours). Boats usually fished at different places. First
they put the nets into the water at one place. When the nets were pulled up
again (a boat often has more than one net) and the fish and shrimps were taken
out, the boat would go to another place and throw the nets into the water
again. This was usually repeated several times. If the catch was good the first
time, they returned home early. If the catch was bad, they would stay
overnight. Boats that fished in day time had to stay, on average, 2 to 3 times
per week overnight due to a bad catch. The ages of the children interviewed
were between 12 and 17. Young children only did the lighter tasks, such as
helping to prepare the boat for fishing, help put the fishing net into the
water, take the shrimps and fishes out of the net, sort them, clean the boat,
and pump out water. The older children (15-17 years old) worked like adults,
including helping take the nets out of the water. This was especially the case
for children who worked for pay on other boats. Children who went with their
father or with an older brother mostly helped taking the lower, lighter end of
the nets out of the water.
Some children interviewed worked always during night time in order
to catch crab and shrimps. Night time fishing gives a higher catch, especially
shrimps. The boats usually left around 5 o'clock in the afternoon and returned
at 6 o'clock in the morning (13 hours). The activities were the same as
described above. The children had time to sleep on the boats.
A small group of children interviewed left for several days, weeks,
or in one case even several months. Unfortunately, we were not able to meet the
child who left for several months, and his parents were not able to tell much.
As for the other children who left 2 to 3 days: their activities were mostly
the same as for those mentioned above. The boats are larger, have more space to
freeze the catch. Glacé, taking care
of freezing the products, was often an important activity for the children on
these boats. The sea products are sorted, and put in layers covered with ice in
cool boxes. The ice regularly has to be renewed. The boats go ashore on an
island where the fishermen eat.
Kuy is 13 years old and lives with his uncle
and aunt in Tumnup Rolok. His parents are divorced and his mother lives in a
pepper plantation. He dropped out from school at grade 2, because he no longer
wanted to go. His uncle brought him to Tumnup Rolok when he was 10 years old.
His uncle owns a medium boat and needed a helping hand. Kuy needed to earn
money to help support his mother in the pepper plantation.
They usually leave at 3 o’clock in the early
morning. At 5 o’clock they reach the fishing grounds and put the fishing nets
into the water. Then he cleans the boat and pumps water out. From 6 to 8
o’clock he can have a rest. Then he helps his uncle take the nets out of the
water, he takes the fish out of the nets and puts them in containers. Then they
put the nets back into the water. They repeat this many times. He puts the sea
products in small containers and covers them with ice. He regularly has to
refresh the ice. They stay at sea for two or three days in a row. Kuy earns 10%
of the profit they make and some cloths. That is approximately 40,000 riel per
month. He spends 5% on sweets, and saves 20% in order to buy a pair of shoes.
75% is sent to his mother.
His uncle thinks the work
is not too difficult, but would prefer a job in a factory for his nephew in the
future. Kuy finds the work normal and
hopes to have an own boat in the future.
[interview code 1-3]
One of the most dangerous fishing activities is putting loob trey tokkae. One has to go into the
water with a mask, a tube that is linked to an oxygen bottle in the boat, and
plumb or stones attached to the waist in order to reach a depth of 8 to 12
meters. The loob trey tokkae are
larger than the loob kdaam (for
catching crab) and are meant to catch a particular kind of fish, trey tokkae. The person who stays in the
boat is responsible for monitoring the oxygen bottle and pulling up the person.
In general, people were of the opinion that this work could only be done by
people over 20 years old, preferably over 30 years old. However, one can find
exceptions of 16 and 17-year old children who learn it from their father in
more shallow waters, in depths of 3 to 4 meters. Children are usually
responsible for surveying boat and bottle and pulling up the person (mostly
father).
Payment
A total of 22 children fishing on boats were interviewed. 13 of them
went with their father; 9 worked for pay (mostly in Stung Hav). Most children
of 15-17 years old working on boats of others received the regular payment,
which is 10 to 20% of the profit, after deducting costs for fuel. Younger
children working for pay received less. The earnings depended on strength of
the children, the size of the boats and the catch. The earnings of the children
ranged between 2000 and 10,000 riel per day. Mostly, earnings for 15-17 year old
children were approximately 5000 riel/day.
Hazards
Most common work hazards were cutting hands and getting blisters
when pulling the nets out of the water, and red swollen hands because of the
combination of salt water, ice and fluids from sea products. None of the
children interviewed used gloves when pulling nets, but said that they would
use them if provided. Most children also complained of backaches because of the
heavy nets. Stomach aches due to irregular meals and headaches due to the smell
of rotten fish were also reported
More serious hazards were falling into the water (which happened
frequently) and the possibility of drowning. Most children reported being
afraid of storms, big waves and sharks. Only a few boats, usually the larger
ones staying at sea for longer periods, had life vests. In many cases life
vests were lacking because they were too expensive. Or they were not perceived
as necessary, as the boats carries plastic containers for fuel that can be used
for flotation in case of an emergency. Another reason for not using life vests
was that the boats were too small. We also frequently heard that people did not
want to bring life vests because that would bring bad luck. In a few cases,
life vests were available but not used (not brought along) because of the
reasons mentioned above. However, most respondents said that they would use
them if provided. During a group session in Tumnup Rolok the question about the
use of life vests developed into a discussion among participants. At first, people
explained why they did not use life vests and why they would not need them
either. However, by the end of the discussion people acknowledged that it would
be better to have life vests, and that they would use them if other people also
used them. The use of life vests may thus be more of a "nobody uses them,
so I don't use them either" issue. Peer pressure, awareness of what others
are thinking and doing and fear of ridicule may be important issues here.
Other hazards mentioned were robberies (which often leads to robbers
killing the owner of the boat) and being struck by lightning. However, nobody
actually knew children involved in these accidents and incidents.
It was not possible for the researchers to get an idea of the
frequency of serious or fatal accidents with children on fishing boats. None of
the persons interviewed seemed to know cases personally, but all
"knew" that it happened. Estimations ranged from 0 to 10 children per
year. A medical doctor in Tumnup Rolok indicated a number of accidents with
engines leading to death two to three times per year. The director of the
Health Centre in Stun Hav recalled ten accidents with boat engines per month.
However, all cases were adults. Some koun
day in their early twenties had lost their fingers, or part of their arm
due to accidents with engines. According to the village chief in Tumnup Rolok
Thmey, Stung Hav, those accidents also happen among 15, 16 and 17 years old.
According to him, three or four children were drown in 1998, but no accidents
with children seemed to have happened since. However, fatal accidents may not
be reported.
Another potential hazard that was not mentioned by any child or
parents, but only by doctors, was the possibility of contracting HIV/AIDS. The
HIV/AIDS rate among fishermen is known to be high. The possibility of sexual
abuse on boats was not mentioned by anyone, but could be a problem as well.
Fishermen will probably soon be included in the National program on HIV/AIDS as
one of the high-risk groups.
Neang is 17 years old and lives with her father,
mother, younger sister and two koun day from the province in a small house from
wood and tin in Koh Khyang. It is a house at the wharf and they can stay there
without paying rent, if father sells the catch for a lower price to the house
owner. Her father goes fishing every day with the two koun day. Her mother
repairs fishing nets. Neang’s mother started teaching her how to repair nets
when she was 13 years old.
Neang starts working at 7 o’clock in the morning until
11 o’clock. Then she helps her mother cooking, has lunch and starts work again
at 12 o’clock. She works until 3 o’clock. When her father returns from sea, she
helps him collect the shrimps. If there is a lot of work, she continues
repairing fishing nets from 7 to 10 o’clock in the evening. It happens on
average three times a week that she also has to work in the evening. Neang
likes her work and wants to continue doing it in the future. But if she has to
work too many hours, her body starts to hurt because she has to sit for too
long periods. She earns 2000 to 5000 riel per day. She keeps half for herself
and gives half to her mother.
[Interview code 3-11]
Most children involved in fishing net repair were taught by their
mother. Children learn how to repair nets from the age of 12 onwards. Most
children interviewed in this category helped their mother, although several
also worked for pay. Most children repairing fishing nets had a net repair
“workshop” at home and worked there. Some went to work at another net repair
place in the village, often together with the mother.
They used a knife to cut worn parts, and a special needle to repair
them. Some combined fishing net repair with schooling. They worked four hours
on school days and five to seven hours on Thursday and Sunday. Most fishing net
repairers worked three to twelve hours per day, four to seven days per week,
depending on the amount of work. Several children related that they continue
working up to 10 o'clock in the evening if there is a lot of work. This
happened on average two days per week.
Earnings were difficult to estimate as payment usually takes place
per net rather than per day. There are many different kinds of nets, requiring
different material and different techniques. Some nets are large and difficult
to repair, whereas others can be repaired in a very short time period. Some
reparation work took only a few hours: others a few days. Sometimes there were
many nets to be repaired, and at other days none. However, average earnings per
day seemed to range between 2500 and 5000 riel. Children that were able to
repair nets independently, received payment equal to that of adults.
Most problems were related with sitting for long hours, which causes
backaches and makes the children feel bored. Some reported small cuts.
There were usually many children at the wharf waiting for incoming
boats, hoping to get a little job. Some did this after school together with
their friends in order to earn some pocket money. They bought cakes, or used
the money for school going.
Many young children whose families had to take on any small job in
order to make ends meet, could also be found at the wharf looking for all kinds
of jobs. They usually went with their mother and siblings. They did whatever
needed to be done: sort incoming fish, prepare fish for steaming (put them in
special baskets), peel raw shrimps, clean and boil crab and shrimps, peel
boiled crab and shrimps, peel snails and peel palm fruit. If no work was
available, some went to other places to sell cakes or collect thatch for making
roofs. Most started at an early age, from 5, 6, 7 or 8 years onwards. However
bad it may seem to see children peeling crab at such a young age, one should be
careful to judge it. The researchers saw very young children who seemed to help
peeling to have something to do while the mother took them with her to the
wharf, rather than to increase the amount of crabs peeled. Their peeling was
usually so slow, and the amount of crab eaten so much, that it can hardly have
contributed to their mother’s work.
The families that had money to buy crab and shrimps at the wharf
were able take the work home. They bought 10 to 20 kilo of crab or shrimp
(2000-3000 riel/kilo, depending on the quality), boiled it at home and peeled
it. After peeling, only half of the original weight remained. They sold it at
5000-6000 riel/kilo. For example, 20 kilo crab or shrimp bought at 2000
riel/kilo gives 10 kilo meat that can be sold at 5000 riel/kilo. The profit
after a long day of peeling with the whole family can than be 10,000 riel.
Work times were highly dependent on 1) whether the child was school
going, 2) whether the child worked in order to earn some pocket money or to help
the family, 3) the poverty of the family, and 4) the availability of work. The
first two points speak for themselves. If a family is very poor and has to make
ends meet on a daily basis and every bit of income is needed, work times can be
long: 7 to 14 hours per day, six to seven days per week. Most children
interviewed worked between 3 to 10 hours/day, four to seven days per week. Even
though many families are on the outlook for jobs, work is not always available.
If the weather is bad, boats cannot go fishing and there is no catch. If there
is no catch, there is nothing to boil, sort or peel. In those times, there is
almost no work at all in the fishing areas.
Tam is 15 years old. Her family does
not own a boat. Her father works as koun day. She dropped out from school at
grade 3 in order to help the family earning money, because besides her, there
are two younger brothers and a sister to support. They live in a one room house
that is partly made from wood and partly from palm leaves.
Sometimes, when the boats have
returned at night time with a good catch, the owner of a small workshop that
steams fish nearby comes to their house at 2 or 3 AM. This only happens from
July to October. The workshop has 5 or 6 regular workers, but if there is too
much fish, they call other workers to help prepare the fish. She then goes with
her mother to prepare baskets, take fish from the salt water and put them in
the baskets. They get paid per basket. If the owner of the workshop does not
call them, they go early in the morning to the wharf to see what jobs are
available. Mostly they can find some work boiling and peeling shrimps and small
crab, or they help sorting the newly arrived fish. Tam and her mother work 4 to
15 hours per day, 4 to 7 days per week, depending on the availability of work.
It happens quite often that she has to work in night time, from 12 to 6
AM.
Peeling shrimps and crabs cause small cuts in her
hands and her mouth, as she uses her teeth to crack the legs of the crab.
Sometimes, if she peels crab and shrimps for a too long period, her hands get
red and swollen. If the catch of the fishermen is good, there is a lot of work
to do and she can earn 4000 or 5000 riel. But sometimes there is not much to do
and she earns only 2000 riel.
Tumnup Rolok has three fish processing factories. The main
activities in all three factories are shrimp peeling, cleaning, freezing and
packing. The three factories have different owners, but all are private/joint
ventures from Taiwan or Hong Kong. The products are sold to Hong Kong. The two
most important factories are "Sun Wah Co. Ltd." and "Lian Heng
Investment Co Ltd".
Sun Wah opened in 1996 and is one among several branches of the Hong
Kong based Sun Wah. Its products are all exported to Hong Kong. The factory had
113 salaried workers, of whom 80 shrimp production workers (the rest were
staff, guards etc). According to the policy of the factory, the workers were
between 18 and 45 years old. Two thirds of them were female. When there are
many shrimps, the factory employs sometimes up to 120 extra casual workers from
the neighbourhood.
Lian Heng opened late 1995 and is a Hong Kong and Taiwanese private,
joint venture. Its products are exported to Hong Kong. Lian Heng had 51 shrimp
production workers, of whom 13 were female. They were between 18 and 25 years
old. If there are many shrimps, 70 to 200 casual workers can be employed at the
factory.
The working conditions and hygienic circumstances in the three
factories were good. There was a clean environment and protection measures
(overall, boots, gloves) were provided to all salaried worker. There were
toilets, bathrooms and clean water, and there were dormitories for workers from
other provinces. The factories only employed workers over 17 years old,
although some exceptions of 16 and 17 years old were found, because the workers
concerned lied about their age. The workers worked eight hours per day (8-12 AM
and 2-6 PM), six days per week and received a salary of 40 US$ (for beginners)
to 80 US$/month. If there was work in the evening, usually from 7-10 PM, the
workers got paid 150%. The salaried workers could take free meals at the
canteen, or receive extra money to buy food outside (2500 riel).
The salaried workers worked in four different groups: shrimp buying,
shrimp peeling, shrimp cleaning and shrimp freezing and packing. The fresh
shrimps were first frozen for one night, then they were peeled, cleaned and
washed, classified by size, wrapped and packed, and frozen. The workers were
happy to work at the factory. Many people in Tumnup Rolok wanted to find a job
in one of the factories, and in Stung Hav and Koh Khyang, people repeatedly
said that they wanted a factory to be set up in their neighbourhood.
The casual workers were paid per kilo of peeled shrimps, which
encouraged the workers from outside to bring along their children to help. This
seemed to happen mainly at two of the three factories (Lian Heng and Sun Wah).
Lian Heng had only limited space for casual workers. Workers often had to peel
outside the building in the open air. They were not provided any protection
measures. However, if provided, the question remains whether the workers would
use them. Although peeling raw shrimps for a prolonged period can cause skin
problems (red, swollen hands due to a combination of salt water, ice and shrimp
fluids, also called tik sii day,
literally "water that eats the hands"), use of gloves would slow down
the pace of shrimp peeling considerably and reduce the income. Moreover, the
skin problems easily heal within one or two days. Children often helped to
increase the amount of kilos peeled, not the least because their small fingers
can peel shrimps quickly. Most workers explained that they would not use gloves
if provided.
Casual workers could earn between 3000 and 10,000 riel/day. They got
paid per kilo peeled, which was 300 riel/kilo for bigger shrimps and 400
riel/kilo for smaller ones.
6.6 Ice handler
A few older children (15 to 17 years old) had a job at the wharf.
They selected the incoming products by sort and quality, cleaned them and
stored them in containers with ice (glacé).
They carried the containers to the
trucks that bring the products to factories, or brought the products to the market
with the wharf owner to sell them. The most important problems were red swollen
hands (tik sii day).
Work times were irregular, and depended on the times of arrival of
boats. They usually worked from 6 o'clock in the morning to 11 o'clock, and
sometimes from 9 to 11 o'clock in the evening.
They earned 30,000 to 40,000 riel/month.
A clear majority of the working children that were interviewed, did
not perceive their work activities as difficult. Most children working in fish
and shrimp processing activities found their work easy. Those who perceived
their work negatively, often linked their work to their living conditions in
general. A majority of the children found their current life hard and difficult.
When there is work to do, there is food to eat, but at other days there is not
enough money to buy rice. They were well aware of the necessity of their work
and the importance of their contribution to the family's survival. The
perception of children fishing at sea was different: many did not perceive
their work very positively. Most were afraid of storms and big waves, and of
sharks. Several also related that the work itself is hard (especially pulling
the fishing net out of the water). However, not all children were required to
do heavy work on the boats.
Parents were in general less positive about their children working.
They reported being very worried about their children leaving by boat, because
of fear for accidents: "when the children go fishing at sea and there is a
strong wind, the parents pray." Parents were in general most positive
about fishing net repair. Approximately half of the parents whose children
worked in shrimp and fish processing businesses (either home or factory based)
found it appropriate work for their children. The other half found their
children too young to work, and would prefer to send them to school. However,
other parents found work healthy for their children. Some parents were afraid
that their children will end up as hooligans. Some of the fishing areas are
known for youth gangs. One mother: "Some people say that I exploit my
children (...), I don't exploit them, I teach my child to be more interested in
working than in dae leeng.
They go with friends. At first, it is not a problem, but I am afraid that later
they will become hooligans when they grow up."
Parents hoped that their children would be able to find other jobs
in the future. Their hopes were that they can find work as a tailor (for
girls), in a factory (garment, shoe or fish processing factory), in a small
business (selling noodles, sugar cane juice, groceries, etc.), or as a mechanic
(for boys). Many children hoped to stay in the same business, but become the
owner of a large boat in the future. Girls often wanted to become a tailor, or
start a small business. Both parents and their children thought that, in
reality, they would do exactly the same in the future as they were doing now.
7. Conclusion and
recommendations
The fishing communities are a highly mobile population. Most came
from all over the country, and had tried out different places before settling
in Tumnup Rolok, Koh Khyang or Stung Hav. Many (especially those living in
Tumnup Rolok) were afraid of forced relocation. In the eighties Stung Hav was
developed as a new location for the overpopulated Tumnup Rolok. Most people
currently living in Stung Hav were living in Tumnup Rolok before, but were
relocated to Stung Hav. Some do not own a house, but rent it. Some live with
the wharf owner, who obliges them to sell their catch to him for a low price.
The working children came from large families with many dependents.
They lived in very basic, poor housing conditions. Access to clean water was an
important problem in especially Tumnup Rolok and Koh Khyang. Poor housing was a
main concern in Stung Hav. Most families interviewed seemed to live on or below
subsistence level. The poorest families were the ones that do not own a boat,
or owned only a small boat. Small boats with an engine provide a higher income
than boats without, but the costs for fuel and repair undo this advantage.
Most small boat owners had loans from ACLEDA in order to pay costs
for boat construction and repair, fishing materials and fuel. They often had
difficulties repaying their loans. Many were forced to borrow from informal
money lenders in order to repay ACLEDA. These informal money lenders were often
the wharf owners, obliging the debtors to sell their catch to them at a lower
price. Families that did not own a boat often had difficulties to make ends
meet. They went to the wharf every morning to take whatever little job was
available.
Table 7.1: Summary of four social-economic groups
|
Social-ec.group
|
Average weekly
income*
|
Credit
|
Recurrent
costs
|
Problems
|
|
Large boat or
several small boats
|
77-154 US$
|
ACLEDA: no repayment problems
|
High (boat,
repair, materials, fuel, etc.)
|
None
|
|
Small boat
with engine
|
26-39 US$
|
ACLEDA: turn
to informal moneylenders to repay to ACLEDA
|
High (boat,
repair, materials, fuel, etc.)
|
Financial
problems, especially when catch is low.
Often indebted
to wharf owner
|
|
No boat but
steady job (mechanic, diocker)
|
21-36 US$
|
No loans, or
small loans from informal money lenders
|
None
|
None
|
|
Small boat
without engine or no boat/no steady job
|
10-19 US$
|
Loans from
informal money lenders, mostly for curing illness
|
Low or none
|
financial
problems, especially when catch is low
|
* The figures in
this column should be taken as an indication (see 5.2.1)
The living standard in all three places was obviously decreasing.
The three fishing areas have attracted a large number of families, which have
led to over-fishing, environmental degradation (in Koh Khyang) and falling
prices for sea products. Moreover, the fishermen were plagued by violent piracy
(Stung Hav), and illegal fishing practices by large Thai (Tumnup Rolok and Stung
Hav) or Vietnamese (Koh Khyang) fishing boats, using special lights and
chemicals to catch large amounts of fish. And last but not least: the price for
fuel has increased sharply.
The research team found a total of 1678 working children in the
three fishing areas in Sihanoukville.
Stung Hav (the largest fishing community) had 981 working children, Tumnup
Rolok had 590 working children, and Koh Khyang 107.
The children were involved in many different activities: fishing on
a small boat, fishing on a large boat for two or three days, sometimes two or
three weeks, or sometimes even for one or two months in a row, repairing
fishing nets, shrimp peeling in a factory (raw shrimps), peeling boiled shrimps
and/or crabs at the sea side (hired by the wharf owner), peeling boiled shrimps
or crabs at home, working at the wharf to freeze sea products coming in and
carry them to the truck transporting them to the factory ("glacé"),
and numerous other jobs, such as steaming fish, sorting fish, sorting fish,
etc.
Most children were involved in fish, shrimp and crab processing (at
home, at the wharf or at the factory). 61% of all working children counted
peeled crabs or shrimps at home: almost 65% of them were girls. In total, more
than 54% of the working children were girls. 331 children fished at sea on a
small boat (with or without engine). Most of them were from Stung Hav: 187
children in Stung Hav, 82 children in Tumnup Rolok and 62 children in Koh
Khyang. Some (51 children) worked on larger boats and left several days or
weeks in a row. More than 91% of children fishing at sea were boys.
Children of all ages worked in the fisheries: 553 children were
below 13 years old (33%), 394 children were 13 or 14 years old (24%) and 731
children were between 15 and 17 years old (44%). The youngest children mostly
worked in the fish, shrimp and crab processing businesses. However, some young
children also worked on boats at sea: 30 children below 13 years old worked on
small boats and two on large boats. Children of all ages could be found as
casual workers at the shrimp peeling factories.
48% of the working children went to school, but combined it as much
as possible with work. Most of them worked in fishing net repair or fish,
shrimp and crab processing (mostly peeling). Many were between 6 and 12 years
old (22% of all working children).
Almost 13% had dropped out of school, but worked only part time.
Another group of children worked full time or more than that, or worked at unpredictable
times. They were unable to combine it with schooling. This was a group of 658
children (39% of the working children): 393 in Stung Hav, 197 in Tumnup Rolok
and 68 in Koh Khyang. 70% of these children were between 15 and 17 years old
(485 children), although many were younger. 18% of this group were 13 or 14
years old (119 children), and 12% were below 13 years old (81 children).
Almost 57% of the working children did not go to school or did this
very irregularly (58% in Tumnup Rolok, 53% in Stung Hav and 83% in Koh Khyang).
The most important reasons for not school going were a lack of money to pay the
costs, having to earn money for the family, and having to help working. Lack of
money was the most important reason most often mentioned, but the three reasons
were often found in combination. The fourth reason was that children did not
want to go to school.
It is not easy to understand the nature of child labour in the
fisheries in Sihanoukville, as child labour takes so many forms. However, if we
look at the group of child workers whose work is essential for the family that
is, the poorest fisher families, we can roughly distinguish three different
groups of child workers.
The first group consists of children who work in the fish, shrimp
and crab processing businesses. It is the group of children that goes to the
wharf every morning to take on any work that is available, often with their
mother and siblings. If there are a lot of shrimps at the factories, they go to
peel there. Or they repair fishing nets with their mother at home or in a small
workshop. The work itself is not difficult or hazardous. Small cuts and red
swollen hands (tik sii day) were the
most common complaints but heal easily. The most important problems for this
group of children were the long sitting periods, which cause backaches and
boredom for children who would rather run around and play. However, many of
these children come from very poor families and every bit of income is needed
to make ends meet. Their work is essential for the family’s survival. The work
times are highly dependent on the work available and can range from 4 hours to
14 hours per day. Children from all age groups can be found doing this work.
They are paid according to the number of kilos peeled, the number of baskets
prepared, etc., equal to that of adults. They can earn 2000 to 5000 riel per
day. According to the child labour matrix of Gourley, this qualifies for the
label “child work”, with some indicators of minor and more serious forms of
child labour. The most important problems for this group of children are the
long periods of sitting, the sometimes long work days and the inability to
attend school.
The second group of working children are the children that work on
boats with their father or other family members. Their father needs a helping
hand and has no money to hire someone else. The boats leave early in the
morning at 3 AM. and return at 4 or 5 PM. If the catch is bad, the boats stay
at sea overnight. Some boats only fish during night time, leaving around 5 PM
and returning the next morning. Times spent at sea can thus be very long.
However, there is usually enough time to rest on the boats. The child prepares
the boat, the bait for crabs, helps putting the nets and/or the loob kdaam (to catch crab) into the
water, takes out the fishes and crab from the net, sorts them, puts them in
containers with ice, cleans the boat, and pumps water from the boat. Fathers
usually do not request their children to do heavy tasks, such as taking the
heavy nets from the water. Sometimes the children help taking the net out of
the water at the lower, lighter end. Minor injuries such as cuts and blisters
from the fishing net and crabs, and red swollen hands from the salty water, ice
and fluids from sea products were easily healed in one or two days. Accidents
happened frequently: children who fell asleep on the boat and fell into the
water, slipping away over squid on the boat, etc. These accidents were rarely
serious. However, they can be fatal. Boats sometimes sink in storms and the
children can drown. Most people knew that this happened, but were unable to
give estimates of the number of children that drowned per year. Nobody knew
such families personally. If we take the child labour matrix, we see that the
indicators are almost equally divided over child work, minor forms, more
serious forms, and worst forms of child labour. It is clear that we can no
longer talk here about child work. The most important problems are the inability
to attend school, the extremely long work times (although there are enough
rests), in case of pulling the nets out of the water, heavy lifting, and
potential serious long-term health risks that can be fatal.
The third group are the children that work for pay on other boats.
Their work activities and hazards are similar to those of the children going
with their father, except that children in this group are often expected to
work like adults and have to work harder. They have to pull out the heavy fishing
nets and are more prone to exploitation. Some also drive the boat, and
accidents with the engine can happen. Accidents with engines are, in general,
known to be one of the most frequent and dangerous hazards when fishing at sea.
It can lead to amputation of fingers or hands, or can even be fatal. There are
many accidents in a year with engines, but we found no evidence of children
involved in such accidents.
In conclusion, we found the following work hazards in the fisheries,
in order of frequency (most to least frequent):
-
cuts (from peeling shrimps and
crabs or from the strings of the heavy fishing nets);
-
lower back aches (from sitting
down to peel or repair nets for too long periods);
-
swollen hands (due to a combination
of continuous wet hands from the salty sea water, ice to keep the sea products
cold, and fluids from the sea products);
-
stomach aches (from irregular
meals, especially on boats);
-
breathing problems and
headaches due to bad smell of rotten fish and hard work;
-
falling into the water when
falling asleep on the boat, slipping away over squid, or due to high
waves/storms. Most children know how to swim, but a few don't. Most boats
don't have life vests. Small boats have too little space, and bringing
along life vests is believed to bring bad luck. Moreover, most boats carry
small plastic containers that can be used in case of emergency. However, if
provided they might use them;
-
fear for storm, big waves,
sharks.
-
accidents with the engine of
the boat.
-
violent piracy at sea
(especially in Stung Hav)
-
HIV/AIDS infection for 16-17
year olds working for pay on boats of others, especially those leaving several
days/weeks/months.
Poor living conditions were a main reason for child work and child
labour, and worsening conditions may make the situation for children worse in
the years to come. Our sense is that the situation regarding child labour in
the fisheries at this moment is not that bad. A large group of working children
is doing small chores or earning some pocket money. Another large group
combines more regular work, necessary for the household's survival, with
schooling (child work). A smaller group is involved in work activities that
could be called "minor" or "more serious" forms of child
labour. However, with the decreasing living standard in all three areas, the
situation with regard to child labour may easily change to the worse, if
nothing is done. Children in families that own a boat often have to help their
father because the family does not have enough money to hire an extra worker.
Children in other families have to help make ends meet by trying to get any job
that is available.
Serious forms of child labour in the fisheries can be found at the
boats fishing at sea. The work itself may not be too heavy, but there are
important potential dangers. Child labour on fishing boats is, however, not
only linked to poor living conditions. A transfer of skills from father to son
(and sometimes daughter) is an important aspect that should not be overlooked.
For Tumnup Rolok and Stung Hav child work and child labour were not
primarily related to a lack of availability of schooling. Both areas have good
schooling facilities up to grade 9. However, an important problem are the costs
related to studying. Even though schooling is free for the poorest (and will
become free for everybody next year), there are many other costs related to
schooling: uniform, teacher fees for extra classes, costs for buying pens and
notebooks, chalk, cake, etc. Those costs are often too high for very poor
families.
Many children drop out after the second grade and start working. It
seems a somehow natural process to drop out from school after a few grades and
start earning money.
This situation was different for Koh Khyang, where only teaching
facilities are available up to grade 2. Children who want to continue, have to
go to O Crov, which is for many too far away.
The most serious forms of child labour in the fisheries are mainly
linked to poor living conditions. Therefore, activities should be aimed
primarily at improving the living standard of poor and poorest households in
the three areas.
Koh Khyang has recently set up a fishing community, in order to
tackle those problems. It focuses both on improving the fisheries businesses
(for example through replanting mangrove that attracts fish, and starting a
crab-raising initiative) and providing alternatives, such as livestock raising.
This seems an important initiative with a lot of potential that is worth
supporting.
·
We recommend that ILO-IPEC
support the fishing community in Koh Khyang, ensuring that the poor and poorest
households are equally represented and that the members are provided with tools
and confidence through a training programme that is linked to basic skills that
are necessary to run such a community in a successful and truly participatory
way. Possible examples are communication skills, leadership skills, strategies
to link up with possible donors, negotiation skills, advocacy skills and
accounting skills. The purpose of these communities would be to investigate
their own situation, find solutions for problems and develop concrete proposals
for activities that may be supported by ILO-IPEC or other donor organisations.
Activities should focus on both improving fisheries businesses and providing
alternatives.
·
We recommend that ILO-IPEC
support activities aimed at improving the fisheries businesses and
alternatives, that the fishing community deems necessary and worth trying.
·
We recommend that ILO-IPEC
facilitates, in cooperation with the Provincial Department of Environment, the
setting up of similar fishing communities in Tumnup Rolok and Stung Hav/Tumnup
Rolok Thmey.
Vocational training was in very high demand in all three areas.
People were convinced that they would be able to find a job if provided the
proper skills.
·
We recommend that ILO-IPEC, in
cooperation with Provincial Departments of Education and Social Affairs, set up
vocational training programs for young people. Vocational training could focus
on mechanics, boat repair (there is a lot of potential for engine repair in
fishing areas) and sewing. Any vocational training should be linked to some
financial help (credit) and provision of a set of tools at graduation, in order
to set up an own workshop or sewing place.
At this moment poorest families do not easily have access to credit
from ACLEDA, as house, land or boats are needed as a collateral. Most poorest
household own none of these. Families that do have access but are poor, have a
problem repaying loans on the conditions of ACLEDA. Credit was in high demand
in all three areas, as fishermen have to make a lot of investments to improve
their business.
·
We recommend that ILO-IPEC
provide credit facilities to poorest households, which should be linked to
training and providing advice, as well as monitoring of the people taking
loans, in order to avoid serious repayment problems. There should be some
flexibility in the repayment schemes.
Koh Khyang does not have sufficient and proper schooling facilities.
The fact that children have to go to O Crov to continue schooling after the
second grade, causes many to drop out and start working.
·
We recommend that ILO-IPEC
investigate the possibilities for expansion of the primary school in Koh Khyang
(at least up to grade 4) or improve access to the school in O Chrov through
transportation and/or road improvement.
The most serious work hazards were related to fishing on boats.
Almost no boats carried life vests, for various reasons. However, our sense is
that life vests would be used if provided. It could take some time, but if some
people start using them, others will follow. Although many reasons were given
for not taking aboard life vests (superstition, too expensive, no place, no
need), the main reason may rather be linked to "nobody uses them, so I
don't use them either".
Cuts and blisters when pulling fishing nets out of the water are
easy to overcome when using gloves. Most people said they would use gloves if
provided.
·
We recommend that ILO-IPEC
provide life vests and gloves to poor families that go fishing by boat
Sanitation, lack of clean water and poor housing conditions were
important problems in the fishing communities. Many diseases (diarrhoea and
skin problems) were related to poor sanitation and poor housing conditions.
There were hardly any latrines in the area and the water close to the shore
(under the houses) was heavily polluted.
·
We recommend that ILO-IPEC
investigate the situation of clean water and sanitation in all three areas.
Latrines could be build, more wells could to be dug, houses could be improved,
water could be cleaned and a system of garbage collection could be set up. Such
activities can only succeed if linked to an awareness raising and health
education program in order to change habits.
Important problems for the three fishing communities are piracy at
gunpoint and illegal fishing practices by Thai and Vietnamese boats. However,
any attempt to improve this situation needs a serious commitment and action of
higher authorities.
·
We recommend that ILO bring the
above mentioned problems and the need for action to the attention of the
Cambodian Government and international organisations interested in "rule
of law".
-
AAFLI/LICADHO, Child Labour in Cambodia, Asian American
Free Labour Institute and Cambodian League for Defence of Human Rights, Phnom
Penh, September 1996 (unpublished)
-
CLO, The Rubber Plantation Survey in Kampong Cham Province, Cambodia,
Cambodian Labour organization (CLO), October 22, 1999 (unpublished)
-
CWA/SCF, Invisible Children: Child Work in Asia and the Pacific, Child
Workers in Asia and Save the Children, Thailand, 1997
-
Derks, A., Trafficking of Cambodian Women and Children to Thailand, IOM/CAS,
Phnom Penh, 1997
-
Derks, A., Trafficking of Vietnamese Women and Children to Cambodia, IOM/CAS,
Phnom Penh, 1998
-
Gourley, S., Un, V. and Gray,
L., Look before you Leap: strategic
approaches to urban child labour, World Vision Cambodia, October 2000
-
ILO-IPEC, Child Labour in Cambodia: An Overview, ILO, Bangkok 1998
-
ILO-IPEC, IPEC Action Against Child Labour: Achievements, Lessons Learned and Indications
for the Future (1998-1999), ILO-IPEC, Geneva, October 1999
-
ILO-IPEC, A New Tool to Combat the Worst Forms of Child Labour: ILO Convention
182, undated brochure
-
MoEYS, Report on the Assessment of the Functional Literacy Levels of the Adult
Population in Cambodia, Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports in
cooperation with UNDP
and
UNESCO, May 2000
-
MoP, Rapid Assessment Report on Child Labour at the Rubber Plantations in
Cambodia, Submitted to IPEC, Phnom Penh, January 2000 (unpublished)
-
MoP, Cambodia Human Development Report 2000: Children and Employment,
Ministry of Planning, 2001
-
Myers, W. and Boyden, J., Child Labour: Promoting the Best Interests
of Working Children, International Save the Children Alliance, London, May
1998
-
National Institute of
Statistics, General Population Census of
Cambodia 1998, Final Census Results, Ministry of Planning, Phnom Penh, July
1999
-
RWG-CL, Improving Action-oriented Research on the Worst Forms of Child Labour:
Proceedings of Asian Regional Workshop 8-10 December 1999, Bangkok, Thailand,
and Resource Materials, Regional Working Group on Child Labour, Bangkok,
2000
-
Thys, G., Child Labour: Trends and Challenges in Asia, IPEC Asia Papers No.
3, ILO-IPEC, December 1997
Annex A
Terms of Reference
Baseline Survey on Child Labour in Fishing/Shrimp
Processing
Terms of Reference for a Consultant
ILO-IPEC March 2001
1. background
Fishing/shrimp
processing, salt production and rubber plantations in Cambodia represent
economic sectors where visibly children and youth are engaged in exploitative
and hazardous child labour. Following the recommendations by the Cambodian
National Steering Committee on Child Labour, the United States Department of
Labor (USDOL) has committed substantial funding for a child labour initiative
covering the three sectors.
In
preparing for the final project design, reliable and substantial baseline data
on children in fishing/shrimp processing needs to be gathered in order to
provide for a good understanding of the child labour situation and the
particular needs of the targeted populations. Moreover, the data will provide
substantial insights in existing services, programmes and projects as a basis
for the identification of specific project interventions.
2. proposal
A
baseline survey on children working in fishing/shrimp processing in Sihanouk
Ville will be conducted. With more than 1100 registered fishing boats in Sihanouk
Ville and its surrounding villages, lots of children can be found working in
various fishing activities. Based on an initial investigations by the Cambodian
ILO-IPEC National Programme Manager in February 200,
many children can be found in fish processing factories and home-based
industries peeling, storing, cleaning and packing shrimps. Aside from that
there are unofficial estimates that a substantial proportion of the fisherman
on the boats are under 18 years old.
This
information will be further refined and updated in the baseline survey as an
input to the final project design. Data will be gathered on the nature of child
labour, the children’s working conditions, the problems and needs of the
targeted population, the socio-economic background of families and communities
and the availability of services/development projects. Findings and
recommendations will be compiled in a comprehensive report and validated with
the stakeholders at the local and national level. The latter undertaking will
be jointly organised with the presentation of the survey findings on child
labour in the rubber plantations.
For
this research undertaking a consultant or an academic institute will be hired
whose work will be closely supervised by ILO-IPEC Cambodia with assistance by
the ILO-IPEC Regional Office in Bangkok.
3. research methods
ILO-IPEC
proposes the following methodology in the conduct of the baseline survey on
child labour in the fishing/shrimp processing. As for the data-gathering on
children working on the fishing boats, the direct observation/investigation of
the workplace will not be possible and be limited to ‘second-hand’ information
from the children, parents, key informants, employers and secondary data.
Suggestions
on the methodology by the consultant are welcome and will have to be agreed
upon prior to the survey. As a general backgrounder the consultant should take
the guidelines of a RWG-CL publication on ‘Improving Action-oriented Research
on the Worst Forms of Child Labour’ into consideration.
3.1 Review
secondary data on the topic
Review
census reports, specific research papers, articles, project documents and
(un)published reports on the topic as a basis for the design and focus of the
baseline survey.
3.2
Micro-level
sampling of specific locations
In
consultation with ILO-IPEC select a number of communities/port areas around/in
Sihanouk Ville for actual information gathering. The selection should be based
on the involvement of children in fishing/shrimp processing in the respective
locations, the needs of the targeted population and the willingness of the
target group to collaborate.
3.3
Development
of an interview guide
An
interview guide for different target groups will be developed by the local
consultant with inputs by ILO-IPEC. The local consultant will arrange for the
translation of the interview guide in local language.
3.4
Conduct
comprehensive training to the enumerators
Teams
of enumerators/investigators will be recruited, trained, and supervised by the
national consultant. Proper training of enumerators is considered crucial to
the success of the undertaking.
3.5
Actual
information gathering on the selected locations
The
teams of enumerators/investigators will visit the communities/port areas for
approximately ten days each to undertake the following activities:
·
Direct observation: observation
guidelines will be provided by ILO-IPEC (from the ILO labour inspection
manual);
·
Mapping of each selected location where
children work;
·
On-the-spot identification of all
working children: their age (below 18 years of age), sex, and type of activity
in the workplace;
·
In-depth open-ended interviewing of a
number of children working in fishing/shrimp processing (about 20 to 30) and
their family members (about 20 to 30) from each
location:
standard lists of questions will
be provided by ILO-IPEC and will need to be fine-tuned by the consultant;
·
Interviewing of a number of ‘key’ local
informants (e.g. doctors, teachers, monks, village leaders, government
officials, NGO-staff, and employers if possible);
·
Focus group discussions with children
and/or adults.
ILO-IPEC
will be kept informed on data gathering progress, and will be consulted in case
problems arise.
3.6
Information
processing
Validate,
process, analyze, and interpret the research results - partly through a
workshop with the enumerators and local stakeholders. ILO-IPEC will be kept
updated on the developments.
3.7
Preparation
of a comprehensive report
The
findings of the baseline survey will be compiled in a report according to the
outline presented in section 4. Written in English language, it should comprise
approximately 25 to 30 pages (single spaced), plus annexes. It is recommended
to present the draft of the findings to a number of key officials before
finalizing it. The final version will be presented during a high-level meeting
for approval and further project planning.
4. outline
for the report on child labour in fishing/shrimp processing
The
report should include an introduction, a section on methodological issues,
detailed information resulting from the baseline survey and a conclusion.
Specific details to be covered are the following:
4.1
Introduction
Briefly
explain the background of the assignment, the topic covered from a conceptual
and definitional point of view, knowledge to date on the issue and the aims of
the baseline survey, the geographical focus of the study, and the structure of
the report.
4.2
Methodological
issues
Mention
the body of knowledge to date, it’s relevance and the need for additional
information. Provide information on research methods employed - including
possible sampling techniques for the selection of interviewees and locations.
Judge the validity and reliability of findings. Describe the difficulties
encountered when conducting the research and how they were addressed/overcome.
4.3
Baseline
information resulting from the rapid assessment
4.3.1 Description of the socio-economic, cultural and historic context in which child labour
in fishing/shrimp processing occurs (this may include socio-economic conditions
of workers, social service provision and infrastructure, decision-making
structures in the family and community, religious aspects, traditions and and
historical aspects).
4.3.2 Information on the magnitude of the problem in the researched locations, if possible
as percentage of the respective age groups disaggregated by sex, age (below 13;
13 and 14; 15 to 17 inclusive), ethnicity, family background (0,1,2 parents),
and income.
4.3.3 Detailed description of the nature and specifics of the problem
through baseline information from interviewed respondents in the chosen
geographical locations should cover working children, their families, and
employers.
Information on the interviewed working
children should cover:
·
Age of interviewed children (below 13;
13 and 14; 15 to 17 inclusive), their sex, family size (including number of
parents), and ethnicity;
·
Do working children attend school? If
not, why not? If so, how many hours per day, week, and month? At what type of
school? What do they think of schooling (e.g. relevance of education for their
future, quality of available education, distance to school)? What are the costs
involved (e.g. uniform, teacher fee, travel costs, opportunity costs of work)?
·
What recreational activities do they
engage in, and how frequently, and what other interests do they have?
·
What are their aspirations in life and
work?
·
Since when do they work with this
employer/in home-based shrimp processing/ family-based fishing ? When did they
enter this profession and why? Explain the recruitment process, and whether the
children decided freely or not (was there peer or family pressure)?
·
What are their perceptions of the work,
of their future, and possible alternatives?
·
How many hours do they work per day,
week, and month and what is the timing (day/night)?
·
What are the conditions they work in,
both physical and psychological?
·
Have they been involved in any
work-related accidents and/or illnesses, and/or do they know of fellow workers
involved?
·
What are the work hazards?
·
Do they receive any protection against
work hazards?
·
How is their relationship with their
employer?
·
How much do they earn per month
(specify base salary/piece rate, bonuses, tips) and how does this compare to
adult wages for the same type of work? Who collects the salary (they or their
parents/guardians)? Which amount is deducted by the employer for costs incurred
(e.g. housing, recruitment and/or transportation, provision of loans, work equipment)?
What do they do with the money earned (e.g. buying things, saving, giving it to
the family)?
